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2023年4月19日发(作者：bc是什么意思)格瓦拉在联合国大会的发言稿
Ernesto Che Guevara:

At the United Nations

(December 11, 1964)

Published April 1967

This address was delivered to the Nineteenth General Assembly of the
United Nations in New York. It was published in the December 12, 1964,
issues of Revolucin and Hoy.

Mr. President; Distinguished delegates:

The delegation of Cuba to this assembly, first of all, is pleased to fulfill the
agreeable duty of welcoming the addition of three new nations to the
important number of those that discuss the problems of the world here. We
therefore greet, in the persons of their presidents and prime ministers, the
peoples of Zambia, Malawi, and Malta, and express the hope that from the
outset these countries will be added to the group of Nonaligned countries
that struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and neocolonialism.

We also wish to convey our congratulations to the president of this assembly
[Alex Quaison-Sackey of Ghana], whose elevation to so high a post is of
special significance since it reflects this new historic stage of resounding
triumphs for the peoples of Africa, who up until recently were subject to the
colonial system of imperialism. Today, in their immense majority these
peoples have become sovereign states through the legitimate exercise of
their self-determination. The final hour of colonialism has st满庭芳秦观翻译 ruck, and
millions of inhabitants of Africa, Asia, and Latin America rise to meet a new
life and demand their unrestricted right to self-determination and to the
independent development of their nations.

We wish you, Mr. President, the greatest success in the tasks entrusted to
you by the member states.

Cuba comes here to state its position on the甜喘校园1v1桑榆 most important points of
controversy and will do so with the full sense of responsibility that the use
of this rostrum implies, while at the same time fulfilling the unavoidable
duty of speaking clearly and frankly. We would like to see this assembly
shake itself out of complacency and move forward. We would like to see the

committees begin their work and not stop at the first confrontation.
Imperialism wants to turn this meeting into a pointless oratorical tournament,
instead of solving the serious problems of the world. We must prevent it
from doing so. This session of the assembly should not be remembered in
the future solely by the number nineteen that identifies it. Our efforts are
directed to that end.

We feel that we have the right and the obligation to do so, because our
country is one of the most constant points of friction. It is one of the places
where the principles upholding the right of small countries to sovereignty
are put to the test day by day, minute by minute. At the same time our
country is one of the trenches of freedom in the world, situated a few steps
away from United States imperialism, showing by its actions, its daily
example, that in the present conditions of humanity the peoples can liberate
themselves and can keep themselves free.

Of course, there now exists a socialist camp that becomes stronger day by
day and has more powerful weapons of struggle. But additional conditions
are required for survival: the maintenance of i似曾相识燕归来 nternal unity, faith in one\'s
own destiny, and the irrevocable decision to fight to the death for the
defense of one\'s country and revolution. These conditions, distinguished
delegates, exist in Cuba.

Of all the burning problems to be dealt with by this assembly, one of special
significance for us, and one whose solution we feel must be found first--so
as to leave no doubt in the minds of anyone--is that of peaceful coexistence
among states with different economic and social systems. Much progress
has been made in the world in this field. But imperialism, particularly U.S.
imperialism, has attempted to make the world believe that peaceful
coexistence is the exclusive right of the earth\'s great powers. We say here
what our president said in Cairo, and what later was expressed in the
declaration of the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of
Nonaligned Countries: that peaceful coexistence cannot be limited to the
powerful countries if we want to ensure world peace.\' Peaceful coexistence
must be exercised among all states, regardless of size, regardless of the
previous historical relations that linked them, and regardless of the problems
that may arise among some of them at a given moment.

At present, the type of peaceful coexistence to which we aspire is often
violated. Merely because the Kingdom of Cambodia maintained a neutral
attitude and did not bow to the machinations of United States imperialism, it
has been subjected to all kinds of treacherous and brutal attacks from the
Yankee bases in South Vietnam.

Laos, a divided country, has also been the object of imperialist aggression of
every kind. Its people have been massacred from the air. The conventions
concluded at Geneva have been violated, and part o师旷撞晋平公文言文 f its territory is in
constant danger of cowardly attacks by imperialist forces.

The Democratic Republic of Vietnam knows all these histories of
aggression as do few nations on earth. It has once again seen its frontier
violated, has seen enemy bombers and fighter planes attack its installations
and U.S. warships, violating territorial waters, attack its naval posts. At this
time, the threat hangs over the Democratic Republic of Vietnam that the U.S.
war makers may openly extend into its territory the war that for many years
they have been waging against the people of South Vietnam. The Soviet
Union and the People\'s Republic of China have given serious warnings to
the United States. We are faced with a case in which world peace is in
danger and, moreover, the lives of millions of human beings in this part of
Asia are constantly threatened and subjected to the whim of the U.S.
invader.

Peaceful coexistence has also been brutally put to the test in Cyprus, due to
pressures from the Turkish government and NATO, compelling the people
and the government of Cyprus to make a heroic and firm stand in defense of
their sovereignty.

In all these parts of the world, imperialism attempts to impose its version of
what coexistence should be. It is the oppressed peoples in alliance with the
socialist camp that must show them what true coexistence is, and it is the
obligation of the United Nations to support them.

We must also state that it is not only in relations among sovereign states that
the concept of peaceful coexistence needs to be precisely defined. As
Marxists we have maintained that peace, (1) coexistence among nations
does not encompass coexistence between the exploiters and the exploited,
between the oppressors and the oppressed. Furthermore, the right to full
independence from all forms of colonial oppression is a fundamental
principle of this organization. That is why we express our solidarity with the
colonial peoples of socalled Portuguese Guinea, Angola, and Mozambique,
who have been massacred for the crime of demanding their freedom. And
we are prepared to help them to the extent of our ability in accordance with
the Cairo declaration.

We express our solidarity with the people of Puerto Rico and their great
leader, Pedro Albizu Campos, who, in another act of hypocrisy, has been set
free at the age of seventy-two, almost unable to speak, paralyzed, after
spending a lifetime in jail. Albizu Campos is a symbol of the as yet unfree
but indomitable Latin America. Years and years of prison, almost

unbearable pressures in jail, mental torture, solitude, total isolation from his
people and his family, the insolence of the conqueror and its lackeys in the
land of his birth--nothing broke his will. The delegation of Cuba, on behalf
of its people, pays a tribute of admiration and gratitude to a patriot who
confers honor upon our America.

The United States for many years has tried to convert Puerto Rico into a
model of hybrid culture: the Spanish language with English inflections, the
Spanish language with hinges on its backbone--the better to bow down
before the Yankee soldier. Puerto Rican soldiers have been used as cannon
fodder in imperialist wars, as in Korea, and have even been made to fire at
their own brothers, as in the massacre perpetrated by the U.S. army a few
months ago against the unarmed people of Panama--one of the most recent
crimes carried out by Yankee imperialism.(2) And yet, despite this assault
on their will and their historical destiny, the people of Puerto Rico have
preserved their culture, their Latin character, their national feelings, which
in themselves give proof of the implacable desire for independence lying
within the masses on that Latin American island.

We must also warn that the principle of peaceful coexistence does not
encompass the right to mock the will of the peoples, as is happening in the
case of so-called British Guiana. There the government of Prime Minister
Cheddi Jagan has been the victim of every kind of pressure and maneuver,
and independence has been delayed to gain time to find ways to flout the
people\'s will and guarantee the docility of a new government, placed in
power by covert means, in order to grant a castrated freedom to this country
of the Americas.(3) Whatever roads Guiana may be compelled to follow to
obtain independence, the moral and militant support of Cuba goes to its
people.

Furthermore, we must point out that the islands of Guadaloupe and
Martinique have been fighting for a long time for self-government without
obtaining it. This state of affairs must not continue.

Once again we speak out to put the world on guard against what is
happening in South Africa. The brutal policy of apartheid is applied before
the eyes of the nations of the world. The peoples of Africa are compelled to
endure the fact that on the African continent the superiority of one race over
another remains of ficial policy, and that in the name of this racial
superiority murder is committed with impunity. Can the United Nations do
nothing to stop this?

I would like to refer specifically to the painful case of the Congo, unique in
the history of the modern world, which shows how, with absolute impunity,
with the most insolent cynicism, the rights of peoples can be flouted. The

direct reason for all this is the enormous wealth of the Congo, which the
imperialist countries want to keep under their control. In the speech he made
during his first visit to the United Nations, Companero Fidel Castro
observed that the whole problem of coexistence among peoples boils down
to the wrongful appropriation of other peoples\' wealth. He made the
following statement: \"End the philosophy of plunder and the philosophy of
war will be ended as well.\"

But the philosophy of plunder has not only not been ended, it is stronger
than ever. And that is why those who used the name of the United Nations
to commit the murder of Lumumba are today, in the name of the defense of
the white race, murdering thousands of Congolese. How can we forget the
betrayal of the hope that Patrice Lumumba placed in the United Nations?
How can we forget the machinations and maneuvers that followed in the
wake of the occupation of that country by United Nations troops, under
whose auspices the assassins of this great African patriot acted with
impunity? How can we forget, distinguished delegates, that the one who
flouted the authority of the UN in the Congo--and not exactly for patriotic
reasons, but rather by virtue of conflicts between imperialists--was Moise
Tshombe, who initiated the secession of Katanga with Belgian support? And
how can one justify, how can one explain, that at the end of all the United
Nations activities there, Tshombe, dislodged from Katanga, should return as
lord and master of the Congo? Who can deny the sad role that the
imperialists compelled the United Nations to play?

To sum up: dramatic mobilizations were carried out to avoid the secession
of Katanga, but today Tshombe is in power, the wealth of the Congo is in
imperialist hands--and the expenses have to be paid by the honorable nations.
The merchants of war certainly do good business! That is why the
government of Cuba supports the just stance of the Soviet Union in refusing
to pay the expenses for this come.

And as if this were not enough, we now have flung in our faces these latest
acts that have filled the world with indignation.(4) Who are the perpetrators?
Belgian paratroopers, carried by United States planes, who took off from
British bases. We remember as if it were yesterday that we saw a small
country in Europe, a civilized and industrious country, the Kingdom of
Belgium, invaded by Hitler\'s hordes. We were embittered by the knowledge
that this small nation was massacred by German imperialism, and we felt
affection for its people. But this other side of the imperialist coin was the
one that many of us did not see. Perhaps the sons of Belgian patriots who
died defending their country\'s liberty are now murdering in cold blood
thousands of Congolese in the name of the white race, just as they suffered
under the German heel because their blood was not sufficiently Aryan.

Our free eyes open now on new horizons and can see what yesterday, in our
condition as colonial slaves, we could not observe: that \"Western
Civilization\" disguises behind its showy facade a picture of hyenas and
jackals. That is the only name that can be applied to those who have gone to
fulfill such \"humanitarian\" tasks in the Congo. A carnivorous animal that
feeds on unarmed peoples. That is what imperialism does to men. That is
what distinguishes the imperial \"white man.\"

All free men of the world must be prepared to avenge the crime of the
Congo. Perhaps many of those soldiers, who were turned into subhumans by
imperialist machinery, believe in good faith that they are defending the
rights of a superior race. In this assembly, however, those peoples whose
skins are darkened by a different sun, colored by different pigments,
constitute the majority. And they fully and clearly understand that the
difference between men does not lie in the color of their skin, but in the
forms of ownership of the means of production, in the relations of
production.

The Cuban delegation extends greetings to the peoples of Southern
Rhodesia and South-West Africa, oppressed by white colonialist minorities;
to the peoples of Basutoland, Bechuanaland, Swaziland, French Somaliland,
the Arabs of Palestine, Aden and the Protectorates, Oman; and to all peoples
in conflict with imperialism and colonialism. We reaffi飞的笔顺 rm our support to
them.

I express also the hope that there will be a just solution to the conflict facing
our sister republic of Indonesia in its relations with Malaysia.

Mr. President: One of the fundamental themes of this conference is general
and complete disarmament. We express our support for general and
complete disarmament. Furthermore, we advocate the complete destruction
of all thermonuclear devices and we support the holding of a conference of
all the nations of the world to make this aspiration of all people a reality. In
his statement before this assembly, our prime minister warned that arms
races have always led to war. There are new nuclear powers in the world,
and the possibilities of a confrontation are growing.

We believe that such a conference is necessary to obtain the total destruction
of thermonuclear weapons and, as a first step, the total prohibition of tests.
At the same time, we have to establish clearly the duty of all countries to
respect the present borders of other states and to refrain from engaging in
any aggression, even with conventional weapons.

In adding our voice to that of all the peoples of the world who ask for
general and complete disarmament, the destruction of all nuclear arsenals,

the complete halt to the building of new thermonuclear devices and of
nuclear tests of any kind, we believe it necessary to also stress that the
territorial integrity of nations must be respected and the armed hand of
imperialism held back, for it is no less dangerous when it uses only
conventional weapons. Those who murdered thousands of defenseless
citizens of the Congo did not use the atomic bomb. They used conventional
weapons. Conventional weapons have also been used by imperialism,
causing so many deaths.

Even if the measures advocated here were to become effective and make it
unnecessary to mention it, we must point out that we cannot adhere to any
regional pact for denuclearization so long as the United States maintains
aggressive bases on our own territory, in Puerto Rico, Panama, and in other
Latin American states where it feels it has the right to place both
conventional and nuclear weapons without any restrictions. We feel that we
must be able to provide for our own defense in the light of the recent
resolution of the Organization of American States against Cuba, on the basis
of which an attack may be carried out invoking the Rio Treaty.(5)

If the conference to which we have just referred were to achieve all these
objectives--which, unfortunately, would be difficult--we believe it would be
the most important one in the history of humanity. To ensure this it would
be necessary for the People\'s Republic of China to be represented, and that
is why a conference of this type must be held. But it would be much simpler
for the peoples of the world to recognize the undeniable truth of the
existence of the People\'s Republic of China, whose government is the sole
representative of its people, and to give it the seat it deserves, which is, at
present, usurp特别感人的爱情故事 ed by the gang that controls the province of Taiwan, with
United States support.

The problem of the representation of 关于重阳节诗句 China in the United Nations cannot in
any way be considered as a case of a new admission to the organization, but
rather as the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People\'s Republic of
China.

We must repudiate energetically the \"two Chinas\" plot. The Chiang
Kai-shek gang of Taiwan cannot remain in the United Nations. What we are
dealing with, we repeat, is the expulsion of the usurper and the installation
of the legitimate representative of the Chinese people.

We also warn against the United States government\'s insistence on
presenting the problem of the legitimate representation of China in the UN
as an \"important question,\" in order to impose a requirement of a two-thirds
majority of members present and voting. The admission of the People\'s
Republic of China to the United Nations is, in fact, an important question for

the entire world, but not for the machinery of the United Nations, where it
must constitute a mere question of procedure. In this way justice will be
done. Almost as important as attaining justice, however, would be the
demonstration, once and for all, that this august assembly has eyes to see,
ears to hear, tongues to speak with, and sound criteria for making its
decisions.

The proliferation of nuclear weapons among the member states of NATO,
and especially the possession of these devices of mass destruction by the
Federal Republic of Germany, would make the possibility of an agreement
on disarmament even more remote, and linked to such an agreement is the
problem of the peaceful reunification of Germany. So long as there is no
clear understanding, the existence of two Germanysmust be recognized: that
of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic. The German
problem can be solved only with the direct participation in negotiations of
the German Democratic Republic with full rights.

We shall only touch on the questions of economic development and
international trade that are broadly represented in the agenda. In this very
year of 1964 the Geneva conference was held at which a multitude of
matters related to these aspects of international relations were dealt with.
The warnings and forecasts of our delegation were fully confirmed, to the
misfortune of the economically dependent countries.

We wish only to point out that insofar as Cuba is concerned, the United
States of America has not implemented the explicit recommendations of that
conference, and recently the U.S. government also prohibited the sale of
medicines to Cuba. By doing so it divested itself, once and for all, of the
mask of humanitarianism with which it attempted to disguise the aggressive
nature of its blockade against the people of Cuba.

Furthermore, we state once more that the scars justify by colonialism that
impede the development of the peoples are expressed not only in political
relations. The so-called deterioration of the terms of trade is nothing but the
result of the unequal exchange between countries producing raw materials
and industrial countries, which dominate markets and impose the illusory
justice of equal exchange of values.

So long as the economically dependent peoples do not free themselves from
the capitalist markets and, in a firm bloc with the socialist countries, impose
new relations between the exploited and the exploiters, there will be no solid
economic development. In certain cases there will be retrogression, in which
the weak countries will fall under the political domination of the imperialists
and colonialists.

Finally, distinguished delegates, it must be made clear that in the area of the
Caribbean, maneuvers and preparations for aggression against Cuba are
taking place, on the coasts of Nicaragua above all, in Costa Rica as well, in
the Panama Canal Zone, on Vieques Island in Puerto Rico, in Florida, and
possibly in other parts of United States territory and perhaps also in
Honduras. In these places Cuban mercenaries are training, as well as
mercenaries of other nationalities, with a purpose that cannot be the most
peaceful one.

After a big scandal, the government of Costa Rica--it is said--has ordered
the elimination of all training camps of Cuban exiles in that country. No one
knows whether this position is sincere, or whether it is a simple alibi
because the mercenaries training there were about to commit some misdeed.
We hope that full cognizance will be taken of the real existence of bases for
aggression, which we denounced long ago, and that the world will ponder
the international responsibility of the government of a country that
authorizes and facilitates the training of mercenaries to attack Cuba.

We should note that news of the training of mercenaries in different parts in
the Caribbean and the participation of the U.S. government in such acts is
presented as completely natural in the newspapers in the United States. We
know of no Latin American voice that has officially protested this. This
shows the cynicism with which the United States government moves its
pawns.

The sharp foreign ministers of the GAS had eyes to see Cuban emblems and
to find \"irrefutable\" proof in the weapons that the Yankees exhibited in
Venezuela, but they do not see the preparations for aggression in the United
States, just as they did not hear the voice of President Kennedy, who
explicitly declared himself the aggressor against Cuba at Playa Giron. In
some cases, it is a blindness provoked by the hatred against our revolution
by the ruling classes of the Latin American countries. In others--and these
are sadder and more deplorable--it is the product of the dazzling glitter of
mammon.

As is well known, after the tremendous commotion of the socalled
Caribbean crisis, the United States undertook certain commitments with the
Soviet Union. These culminated in the w懈的拼音 ithdrawal of certain types of
weapons that the continued acts of aggression of the United States--such as
the mercenary attack at Playa Giron and threats of invasion against our
homeland--had compelled us to install in Cuba as an act of legitimate and
essential defense.

The United States, furthermore, tried to get the UN to inspect our territory.
But we emphatically refuse, since Cuba does not recognize the right of the

United States, or of anyone else in the world, to determine the type of
weapons Cuba may have within its borders.

In this connection, we would abide only by multilateral agreements, with
equal obligations for all the parties concerned. As Fidel Castro has said: \"So
long as the concept of sovereignty exists as the prerogative of nations and of
independent peoples, as a right of all peoples, we will not accept the
exclusion of our people from that right. So long as the world is governed by
these principles, so long as the world is governed by those concepts that
have universal validity because they are universally accepted and recognized
by the peoples, we will not accept the attempt to deprive us of any of those
rights, and we will renounce none of those rights.\"

The secretary-general of the United Nations, U Thant, understood our
reasons. Nevertheless, the United States attempted to establish a new
prerogative, an arbitrary and illegal one: that of violating the airspace of a
small country. Thus, we see flying over our country U-2 aircraft and other
types of spy planes that, with complete impunity, fly over our airspace. We
have made all the necessary warnings for the violations of our airspace to
cease, as well as for a halt to the provocations of the United States navy
against our sentry posts in the zone of Guantanamo, the buzzing by aircraft
of our ships or the ships of other nationalities in international waters, the
pirate attacks against ships sailing under different flags, and the infiltration
of spies, saboteurs, and weapons onto our island.

We want to build socialism. We have declared that we are supporters of
those who strive for peace. We have declared ourselves to be within the
group of Nonaligned countries, although we are MarxistLeninists, because
the Nonaligned countries, like ourselves, fight imperialism. We want peace.
We want to build a better life for our people. That is why we avoid, insofar
as possible, falling into the provocations manufactured by the Yankees. But
we know the mentality of those who govern them. They want to make us
pay a very high price for that peace. We reply that the price cannot go
beyond the bounds of dignity.

And Cuba reaffirms once again the right to maintain on its territory the
weapons it deems appropriate, and its refusal to recognize the right of any
power on earth--no matter how powerful--to violate our soil, our territorial
waters, or our airspace.

If in any assembly Cuba assumes obligations of a collective nature, it will
fulfill them to the letter. So long as this does not happen, Cuba maintains all
its rights, just as any other nation. In the face of the demands of imperialism,
our prime minister laid out the five points necessary for the existence of a
secure peace in the Caribbean. They are:

1.\"A halt to the economic blockade and all economic and trade

pressures by the United States, in all parts of the world, against our
country;

2.A halt to all subversive activities, launching and landing of weapons

and explosives by air and sea, organization of mercenary invasions,
infiltration of spies and saboteurs, acts all carried out from the
territory of the United States and some accomplice countries;

3.A halt to pirate attacks carried out from existing bases in the United

States and Puerto Rico;

4.A halt to all the violations of our airspace and our territorial waters

by United States aircraft and warships;

5.Withdrawal from the Guantanamo naval base and return of the

Cuban territory occupied by the United States.\"

None of these elementary demands has been met, and our forces are still
being provoked from the naval base at Guantanamo. That base has become a
nest of thieves and a launching pad for them into our territory. We would
tire this assembly were we to give a detailed account of the large number of
provocations of all kinds. Suffice it to say that including the first days of
December the number amounts to 1,323 in 1964 alone. The list covers
minor provocations such as violation of the boundary line, launching of
objects from the territory controlled by the United States, the commission of
acts of sexual exhibitionism by U.S. personnel of both sexes, and verbal
insults. It includes others that are more serious, such as shooting off
smallcaliber weapons, aiming weapons at our territory, and offenses against
our national flag. Extremely serious provocations include those of crossing
the boundary line and starting fires in installations on the Cuban side, as
well as rifle fire. There have been seventyeight rifle shots this year, with the
sorrowful toll of one death: that of Ramon Lopez Pena, a soldier, killed by
two shots fired from the United States post three and a half kilometers from
the coast on the northern boundary. This extremely grave provocation took
place at 7: on July 19, 1964, and the prime minister of our
government publicly stated on July 26 that if the event were to recur he
would give orders for our troops to repel the aggression. At the same time
orders were given for the withdrawal of the forward line of Cuban forces to
positions farther away from the boundary line and construction of the
necessary fortified positions.

One thousand three hundred and twenty-three provocations in 340 days
amount to approximately four per day. Only a perfectly disciplined army

with a morale such as ours could resist so many hostile acts without losing
its self-control.

Forty-seven countries meeting at the Second Conference of Heads of State
or Government of Nonaligned Countries in Cairo unanimously agreed:

Noting with concern that foreign military bases are in practice a means of
bringing pressure on nations and retarding their emancipation and
development, based on their own ideological, political, economic, and
cultural ideas, the conference declares its unreserved support to the countries
that are seeking to secure the elimination of foreign bases from their
territory and calls upon all states maintaining troops and bases in other
countries to remove them immediately.

The conference considers that the maintenance at Guantanamo (Cuba) of a
military base of the United States of America, in defiance of the will of the
government and people of Cuba and in defiance of the provisions embodied
in the declaration of the Belgrade conference, constitutes a violation of
Cuba\'s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Noting that the Cuban government expresses its readiness to settle its
dispute over the base at Guantanamo with the United States of America on
an equal footing, the conference urges the United States government to open
negotiations with the Cuban government to evacuate their base.

The government of the United States has not responded to this request of the
Cairo conference and is attempting to maintain indefinitely by force its
occupation of a piece of our territory, from which it carries out acts of
aggression such as those detailed earlier.

The Organization of American States--which the people also call the United
States Ministry of Colonies--condemned us \"energetically,\" even though it
had just excluded us from its midst, ordering its members to break off
diplomatic and trade relations with Cuba. The OAS authorized aggression
against our country at any time and under any pretext, violating the most
fundamental international laws, completely disregarding the United Nations.
Uruguay, Bolivia, Chile, and Mexico opposed that measure, and the
government of the United States of Mexico refused to comply with the
sanctions that had been approved. Since then we have had no relations with
any Latin American countries except Mexico, and this fulfills one of the
necessary conditions for direct aggression by imperialism.

We want to make clear once again that our concern for Latin America is
based on the ties that unite us: the language we speak, the culture we
maintain, and the common master we had. We have no other reason for

desiring the liberation of Latin America from the U.S. colonial yoke. If any
of the Latin American countries here decide to reestablish relations with
Cuba, we would be willing to do so on the basis of equality, and without
viewing that recognition of Cuba as a free country in the world to be a gift
to our goverment. Because we won that recognition with our blood in the
days of the liberation struggle. We acquired it with our blood in the defense
of our shores against the Yankee invasion.

Although we reject any accusations against us of interference in the internal
affairs of other countries, we cannot deny that we sympathize with those
people who strive for their freedom. We must fulfill the obligation of our
government and people to state clearly and categorically to the world that
we morally support and stand in solidarity with peoples who struggle
anywhere in the world to make a reality of the rights of full sovereignty
proclaimed in the United Nations Charter.

It is the United States that intervenes. It has done so historically in Latin
America. Since the end of the last century Cuba has experienced this truth;
but it has been experienced, too, by Venezuela, Nicaragua, Central America
in general, Mexico, Haiti, and the Dominica旧时王谢堂前燕飞入寻常百姓家 n Republic. In recent years,
apart from our people, Panama has experienced direct aggression, where the
marines in the Canal Zone opened fire in cold blood against the defenseless
people; the Dominican Republic, whose coast was violated by the Yankee
fleet to avoid an outbreak of the just fury of the people after the death of
Trujillo; and Colombia, whose capital was taken by assault as a result of a
rebellion provoked by the assassination of Gaitan.(6)

Covert interventions are carried out through military missions that
participate in internal repression, organizing forces designed for that
purpose in many countries, and also in coupe d\'etat, which have been
repeated so frequently on the Latin American continent during recent years.
Concretely, United States forces intervened in the repression of the peoples
of Venezuela, Colombia, and Guatemala, who fought with weapons for their
freedom. In Venezuela, not only do U.S. forces advise the army and the
police, but they also direct acts of genocide carried out from the air against
the peasant population in vast insurgent areas. And the Yankee companies
operating there exert pressures of every kind to increase direct interference.
The imperialists are preparing to repress the peoples of the Americas and are
establishing an International of Crime.

The United States intervenes in Latin America invoking the defense of free
institutions. The time will come when this assembly will acquire greater
maturity and demand of the United States government guarantees for the life
of the Blacks and Latin Americans who live in that country, most of them
U.S. citizens by origin or adoption.

Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them
because of the color of their skin; those who let the murderers of Blacks
remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the Black
population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men--how
can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom? We
understand that today the assembly is not in a position to ask for
explanations of these acts. It must be clearly established, however, that the
government of the United States is not the champion of freedom, but rather
the perpetuator of exploitation and oppression against the peoples of the
world and against a large part of its own population.

To the ambiguous language with which some delegates have described the
case of Cuba and the OAS, we reply with clear-cut words and we proclaim
that the peoples of Latin America will make those servile, sell-out
governments pay for their treason.

Cuba, distinguished delegates, a free and sovereign state with no chains
binding it to anyone, with no foreign investments on its territory, with no
proconsuls directing its policy, can speak with its head held high in this
assembly and can demonstrate the justice of the phrase by which it has been
baptized: \"Free Territory of the Americas.\"

Our example will bear fruit in the continent, as it is already doing to a
certain extent in Guatemala, Colombia, and Venezuela.

There is no small enemy nor insignificant force, because no longer are there
isolated peoples. As the Second Declaration of Havana states:

No nation in Latin America is weak--because each forms part of a family of
200 million brothers, who suffer the sam留侯论原文及翻译 e miseries, who harbor the same
sentiments, who have the same enemy, who dream about the same better
future, and who count upon the solidarity of all honest men and women
throughout

This epic before us is going to be written by the hungry Indian masses, the
peasants without land, the exploited workers. It is going to be written by the
progressive masses, the honest and brilliant intellectuals, who so greatly
abound in our suffering Latin American lands. Struggles of masses and
ideas. An epic that will be carried forward by our peoples, mistreated and
scorned by imperialism; our people, unreckoned with until today, who are
now beginning to shake off their slumber. Imperialism considered us a weak
and submissive flock; and now it begins to be terrified of that flock; a
gigantic flock of 200 million Latin Americans in whom Yankee monopoly
capitalism now sees

But now from one end of the continent to the other they are signaling with
clarity that the hour has come--the hour of their vindication. Now this
anonymous mass, this America of color, somber, taciturn America, which
all over the continent sings with the same sadness and disillusionment, now
this mass is beginning to enter definitively into its own history, is beginning
to write it with its own blood, is beginning to suffer and die for it.

Because now in the mountains and fields of America, on its flatlands and in
its jungles, in the wilderness or in the traffic of cities, on the banks of its
great oceans or rivers, this world is beginning to tremble. Anxious hands are
stretched forth, ready to die for what is theirs, to win those rights that were
laughed at by one and all for 500 years. Yes, now history will have to take
the poor of America into account, the exploited and spurned of America,
who have decided to begin writing their history for themselves for all time.
Already they can be seen on the roads, on foot, day after day, in endless
march of hundreds of kilometers to the governmental \"eminences,\" there to
obtain their rights.

Already they can be seen armed with stones, sticks, machetes, in one
direction and another, each day, occupying lands, sinking hooks into the
land that belongs to them and defending it with their lives. They can be seen
carrying signs, slogans, flags; letting them flap in the mountain or prairie
winds. And the wave of anger, of demands for justice, of claims for rights
trampled underfoot, which is beginning to sweep the lands of Latin America,
will not stop. That wave will swell with every passing day. For that wave is
composed of the greatest number, the majorities in every respect, those
whose labor amasses the wealth and turns the wheels of history. Now they
are awakening from the long, brutalizing sleep to which they had been
subjected,

For this great mass of humanity has said, \"Enough!\" and has begun to march.
And their march of giants will not be halted until they conquer true
independence--for which they have vainly died more than once. Today,
however, those who die will die like the Cubans at Playa Girdn. They will
die for their own true and never-to-be-surrendered independence.

All this, distinguished delegates, this new will of a whole continent, of Latin
America, is made manifest in the cry proclaimed daily by our masses as the
irrefutable expression of their decision to fight and to paralyze the armed
hand of the invader. It is a cry that has the understanding and support of all
the peoples of the world and especially of the socialist camp, headed by the
Soviet Union. That cry is: Patria o muerte! [Homeland or death]