公众利益的英文益翻译益英语怎么说

点火器的英文翻译英语怎么说-青之驱魔师第二季

2023年4月20日发(作者：商品发票)《公共管理英语》部分翻译
(目前缺第四章、第六章、第七章翻译)

第一章
1
Opening Administration to the Public
政务公开
得益于2001年11月16日生效的政府最近实施的邀请市民旁听政府会议的
行政事务公开改革措施,安徽省蚌埠市的市民现在有机会参加市政府会议。
每次行政事务会议邀请10名市民参加。邀请参加重要会议的人数是可以变
化的。这些旁听者可以是人大代表、政协委员、民主党派的要员、工商联代表及
其他。他们要至少18岁，并且愿意参加会议。
旁听者可以通过政府部门以书面形式发表他们的意见。
Increasing Transparency增加透明度
在部分城市和农村的基础上，今年的上半年，广东省已要求村及村以上的
政府行政事务都要公开。
所有有关法律、规章和公民必须遵循的政府决定，只要不涉及政党和中央
政府的机密，都要向公众公开。具体内容如下：
经济社会发展战略，工作目标和它们的完成情况；
重大决策和政策的主动过程；
财政预算和执行情况；
专用基金的分配和重要物资的购买；
主要基本建设计划和它们的招投标；
政府投资的公共福利项目；
政府审批的项目及完成情况；
政府向公众承事项的完成情况；
有关公民、法人、组织权益的法律实施；
重大事件的处理；
-官员的选拔任用，公务员的录用，先进工作者的评价，员工调动的原则改
革及公众关心的其他问题；
政府机构的职能和官员的职责；
工作内容、条件、流程和时间以及工作效果；
工作原则，承担义务、对违反应承担义务的起诉方法及调查结果；
Apart from opening administrative affairs to society, various de
partments of the Guangdong Provincial Government have been required t
o open their internal system construction, work operations and manage
ment, specifically the self-discipline of officials; income and expen
diture of the department; management of the human resources, distribu
tion of income to workers and staff members as well as their welfare
treatment; and other issues.除了向社会公开行政事务，广东省已经要求各政

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府部门公开机关内部结构，工作运转方式和管理情况，特别是官员的自律情况；
部门的收入和经费开支情况，工作人员的收入分配和他们的福利待遇，以及其它
事项。
Knowing government administration is one of people’s fundamenta
l rights, and the opening of administrative information has become an
indispensable part in the government’s administration. In the meant
ime, opening government administration is also a main principle of th
e WTO, listed on most of its documents. After China’s entry into the
WTO, it was required to be better in this field. China’s transformat
ion of government functions lags behind that of its economic growth.
了解政府的行政行为是公民基本权力之一，政务公开是政府的应尽的职责。公开
行政信息是已经是政府管理中必不可少的部分。同时，政务公开也是WTO的一项
主要原则，被列在WTO的大部分文件中。在中国加入WTO后，被要求在这方面做
得更好。中国的政府职能转变落后于它的经济增长。
A fresh move the opening of government administration still need
s improvement. Experts appealed to the state to place great importanc
e on the issue by setting up special department to handle related aff
airs, and devising a law on opening government administrations.政务公
开作为一项新举措仍需要改进。专家希望政府将其放在更重要位置，通过设置处
理相关事务的专门部门，对政务公开进行立法。
Red-Title Document Open to the Public对公众公开红头文件
At the end of last year, the Beijing municipal government, locat
ed on Zhengyilu Road, placed a reception desk at th名言名句100条 e entrance of its
west gate from Monday to Friday to receive citizens who come to the B
eijing Municipal Government Bulletin. Since the bulletin opened to th
e public in early 2002, the telephone at the editorial office has kep
t ringing. Many of the calls come from Guangdong, Zhejiang, Heilongji
ang provinces and Hong Kong SAR, inquiring about subscription procedu
res.在去年底，位于遵义路上的北京市政府，每周一到周五在其西大门入口处放
置接待桌以接受市民来征订《北京市政府公告》。早在2002年政府公告向公众
公开后，编辑部的电话就一直响着。许多电话来自广东、浙江、黑龙江和香港特
区，来咨询征订程序。
The bulletin, which contains government regulations, administrat
ive orders and decisions, is popularly known as a “red-title documen
t” and is a mystery to most people, because it only reached leaders
above bureau level in the past. 包括政府规章、行政命令和决定的公文过去
常称为红头文件，对大多数人而言是神秘的，因为它过去只发到局级以上干部。
Wei Guiqin, director of the Beijing Huiyuan Law Office, is among
the first to subscribe to the bulletin. “The public distribution of
the bulletin helps us a lot in our job,” he said. 魏贵勤，北京惠元律
师事务所所长，是第一批来征订公告的。他说：“公告的公开发行对我们的工作
帮助很大。”
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The government of many other provinces and cities have also open
ed their bulletins to the public, including Henan and Shanxi province
s, and cities such as Guangzhou, Wuhan, Qingdao and Yinchuan. The gov
ernment of the bulletins are functionally the same as other official
documents. 许多别的省市也已经向公众公布了公告，如河南、陕西，城市如广
州、武汉、青岛和银川。政府公告与其它官方文件功能上是一样的。
Shanghai was the first city to open its bulletin to the public.
Since the beginning of last year, the bulletins have been sent not on
ly to major institutions and enterprises under the jurisdiction of th
e municipal government, but also to 100 解落三秋叶读音 selected newspaper and magazi
ne booths, 50 postal zones 50 Xinhua bookstores, where citizens can g
et them for free. The bulletins have attracted the attention of many
people, most of whom are lawyers and accountants. 上海是第一个向公众
公布了公告的城市。自去年初，公告不仅通过市政府正常渠道发送到主要公共机
构和企业，还发送到经挑选产生的100个报刊亭、50个邮政亭、50个新华书店，
在那里市民可以免费取得公告。公告已经引起许多公民的注意，其中大部分是律
师和会计。
“Supermarket\" of administrative Affairs政务超市
Five years ago, Huang Songji, a laid-off female employee in Nanj
ing, invesred 50000 yuan to set up a全部皇帝列表 kindergarten. However, she was s
oon asked to close down, as she failed to follow relevant procedures.
She sought assistance at the Supermarket of Administrative Affairs,
and with guidance by the staff, Huang quickly obtained all necessary
procedures. 五年前，黄松基，南京一名下岗女工，投资5 万元办了一个育儿
园。然而，她很快被勒令关门，因为她没有履行相关手续。她在政务超市寻求帮
助，在工作人员的帮助下，她很快办理了所有手续。
What is the Supermarket of Administrative Affairs and how effect
ive is it? 什么是政务超市？它的效果如何？
The first supermarket was launched by the government of Xiaguan
District, Nanjing City, in the residential communities of Xiaoshi and
Rehenanlu on October 16, 2000. the government set up its offices in
a big hall to handle various administrative affairs, including more t
han 40 services related to civil affairs, employment, municipal const
ruction, economy, handing of complaints and law enforcement. It indee
d has supermarket features of openness, efficiency and a variety of c
hoice, hence the name, Supermarket of Administrative Affairs. Five ot
her of residential quarters followed suit a year later. 第一个政务超
市是2000年10月16日在南京下关区热河南路的小石居委会建立的。政府在一
个大厅设置办公场所以解决多种行政事务，包括种有关民政事务、劳动就业、
市政建设、经济、投诉的处理和法律实施。它的确具有超市的开放、效率和多样
化选择的特质，因此被称为政务超市。一年后另五个居民区的政务超市随之成立。
The supermarket practices a responsibility system to solve probl
ems, and serve clients. In addition, supervision and feedback procedu

—3—

res have also been adopted. The system, which enables citizens to lea
rn about government administrative affairs, contributes to the govern
ment’s effort to open administrative affairs. Sun Wei, a “supermark
et” staff member, said that in the past, policies were locked in the
office drawer. Now they are placed on the wall, clearly indicating pr
oblems and possible timelines for their solution. Furthermore, the te
lephone number to contact in cases of complaint against the behavior
of “supermarket” employees is also available to the public. Employe
es subject to customer complaints are given three chances, and penalt
ies include criticism the first time, bonus deduotion the second time,
and dismissal the third time. 政务超市提供了一个解决问题、服务委托人
的负责任的系统。另外，监督和反馈程序已经被采用。这个能够使公众了解政府
行政事务的系统，归功于政府的政务公开。孙伟，一名“政务超市”的工作人员
说，在过去政策是被锁在办公室的抽屉里。现在是挂在墙上，清楚地标明问题和
解决这些问题的时间。更重要的是，针对政务超市工作人员的投诉电话是向公众
公开的。工作人员有三次被客户投诉的机会，处罚包括第一次批评，第二次扣奖
金，第三次解雇。
Since district government powers have been transferred to the “s
upermarket”, the service items are wider than those formerly offered
by the residential community, such as the approval of small loans to
help the poor and victims of natural disasters; handling applications
for subsidies if their living standards is below the poverty line; g
ranting licenses to small restaurants; leasing newspaper booths and r
egistering the unemployed. Apart from these services, the “supermark
et” has also set up a training room, a law consultation room and a s
uggestion box, as well as a telephone hotline to answer questions. In
addition, government leaders regularly visit the “supermarket” to
interact with the public in person. 自从地方行政权力转到“超市”，服务
项目比过去居委会提供的范围更大了，如对贫困户和突发自然灾害的小额贷款的
审批，受理低保补助申请，小酒店许可证的核发，报刊摊位的出租和失业登记。
除了这些服务，“超市”还提供一个服务间，一个咨询室和意见箱，一部回答问
题的热线电话。另外，政府领导定期到“超市”同公众面对面交流。
Many citizens have expressed their satisfaction with the “super
market”. 许多市民对“超市”表示满意。
“It quickly solves problems, and shortens the psychological di
stance between leaders and the masses. Surveys recently conducted in
five ‘supermarkets’ indicated that citizens are satisfied with meas
ures,” said Xu Xuwqin, who is in charge of the publicity of the Xiag
uan residential community. “它很快解决问题，缩短了领导和群众之间的心
理距离。对五个“超市”的调查表明群众对这些措施是满意的”许学琴，一名居
委会宣传部门负责人说。
The “supermarket” of administrative service in Nanjing has exert
ed a positive influence to the entire country. Similar supermarkets h
—4—

ave opened in Shenyang, Shanghai and Fuzhou. 南京这种行政服务“超市”
已经在整个国家产生了正面的影响。在沈阳、上海和福州都建了类似的超市。
The “supermarket” in Shanghai, known as the Center of Residentia
l Affairs, now has 80 branches in the entire city, offering more than
50 services. A civil affairs official said that in the next three ye
ars, every community and town would set up such as a “supermarket”
to form a network covering the entire area. 上海的“超市”，作为居民事
务的中心，现在整个城市有80个分支，提供50项服务。一名国内事务的政府官
员说在未来三年，每一个社区和集镇都要建类似的“超市”以形成覆盖整个地区
的网络。
Media reports recently stated that relevant departments have pla
nned to set up a multi-functional and multi-level service system thro
ughout the country, which offers services on personnel matters, domic
ile registration, matrimonial registration, enterprise registration,
tax payment, license distribution and the approval of land utilizatio
n. Service centers and related ranches will be set up in densely popu
lated communities. Meanwhile, a standardized service network and unif
ied regulations will also be established, and related workers will we
ar name tags for the benefit of customers. 媒体报道，有关部门已经计划
在全国建设多功能、多层次的服务体系，以提供人事事务、居民登记、婚姻注册、
企业登记交税、许可证的分配和土地使用权的审批。服务中心和有关的分支机构
将被建在人口密集的社区。同时，标准的服务网络和统一的制度也将建立，相关
工作都将在为将在为顾客的目标下进行。
“E-Government”电子政府
Placing government administrative affairs on the Internet appear
s to be a growing world trend for government working toward open admi
nistration. Resources on government work available on the Internet ca
n be effectively utilized. Furthermore, this practice will enhance th
e transparency if the government, reduce administrative expense, impr
ove work efficiency and facilitate the construction of a diligent and
honest government. 将政府的行政事务在互联网上公布越来越成为世界上政
府向公众公开事务的一种倾向。研究表明，提供在互联网的政府工作是被有效利
用的。更重要的是，这个实践将提高政府的透明度，降低行政费用，提高工作效
率并更利于数字政府和诚信政府的建设。
China has a long way to go before it can develop an online gover
nment. However, beginning in the mid-1980s when China first called fo
r office automation, up until 1998 when China began to develop e-gove
rnment project, it has promoted e-commerce in government departments,
using the Internet to release information, handling day-to-day offic

—5—

e business and offering other services. 中国在发展在线政府还有很长的
路要走。然而，自80年代中期中国首先提出办公自动化到1998年开始发展电子
政府项目，它已经促进政府部门的网上交流，日常办公事务的处理和提供其他帮
助。
In recent years, China has rapidly developed the e-commerce deve
lopment and implementation. Second, many government web sites with in
creasingly rich content and sophisticated functions have appeared. A
recent survey stated that more than 2200 government web sites current
ly exist in the entire country, and have played a major role in drivi
ng the construction of information industry. 近年来，中国加快电子政府
的发展。首先，工商部门，海关税务和公共安全部门已经率先加快电子政府的发
展和设备配置步伐。其次，许多具有越来越多内容和高级功能的政府网站已经出
现。最近的调查表明整个国家有2200个政府网站，已经在促进信息工业建设方
面承担了主要角色。
A bilingual web site, Chinashanghai, in both English and Chinese,
was launched on September 28, 2001. it serves as a platform for gove
rnment information dissemination for the benefit the citizens. “中国
上海”，一个英汉双语网站，在2001年9月28日建成。它为市民提供政府信息
传播服务平台。
Chinashanghai is devoted to the establishment of an “e-governme
nt.” Its home page, entitled Today’s Event, provides information on
major activities and events, and reports on various hot topics of dis
cussion. Pages containing government bulletins, government documents,
regulations and other information have also been released. The Law a
nd Regulations page introduces various rules and regulations, the Sha
nghai Brief page provides information on the least development trends
in the city, and the Investment page offers information on the inves
tment environment and various investment policies, explaining the urb
an construction plan, the development of the Pudong New Area, the dev
elopment of development zones and investment projects. The Services p
age, on the other hand, provides information on topics more closely r
elated to people’s lives, such as weather, transport, healthcare, ed
ucation and tourism. This page also offers legal assistance to disadv
antaged groups. The Business Guidance page provides useful informatio
n on competent institutions, as well as their addresses, contact deta
ils, procedures for handling certain affairs, and channels for dealin
g with lawsuits. Finally, the Handling Affairs Online page enables us
ers to inquire on certain items, and download online forms and applic
ations. “中国上海”致力于电子政府的创建。它的主页标有今日大事，提供主
要活动和事件的信息，多种热点讨论话题的报道。页面包括政府公告，政府公文、
规章和其它已公布的信息。法律规章的页面介绍了多种规章制度，网站的首页提
供了城市最新发展趋势，投资页面提供投资环境信息和各种投资政策，说明城市
建设规划、浦东新区的发展、开发区的发展和投资项目。另一方面，服务页面提
—6—

供诸如天气、交通、保健、教育和旅游等更贴近百姓生活的内容。这一页也对弱
势群体提供法律救助。商务导航页面提供有法定资格协会有用信息，如地址、联
系方式、具体事务处理的程序、诉讼的渠道。最后，在线事务处理使用户能够咨
询具体事务，在线下载表格和申请。
Chinashanghai will also connect with its affiliated stations to
establish a better government network by the end of this year. In add
ition, Shanghai plans to set up a large portal within the next five y
ears, which will be among China’s first-class ones and match interna
tional advanced level. By the end of the 10 Five-Year Plan period (2
th
001-2005), all the government departments related to social managemen
t and services will be on the network. 到今年底，“中国上海”也将增加
联网的附属站点以更好实现政府网络工作。另外，上海计划在下一个五年建立一
个在中国处于一流、达到世界水平的大型门户网站。至第十个五年计划期末，所
有的与社会管理和服务的政府部门都要实现网上工作。
Open Urban Planning公开城市建设规划
Over the past two years, Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin have mad
e public their city construction plan, a change from their former clo
sed-door working style. The procedures and timetable for the examinat
ion and approval of projects, regulations and laws, and technological
indexes in relation to the projects are now also out in the open, mu
ch to the great enthusiasm of the citizens. 过去两年间，北京，上海和天
津已经公布了他们的城市建设规划，这和以前的关门工作是个改变。项目申报审
批的程序和时间、规章制度、项目相关的技术流程标准现在都公开，更多是广大
热心的市民。
Last October, Beijing held an exhibition on the overall city pla
nning. During holidays and weekends, the 3000-square0meter hall recei
ved about 1500 people each day. “We have not expected so many citize
ns to be so interested in city planning,” said Qiu Yue, a member of
the Beijing Municipal City Planning Committee. 去年10月，北京举行了城
市整体建设规划展览会。在节假日和周日，平方米的展览厅每天接待1500名来
访者。“我们没有想到有这么多市民对城市建设规划感兴趣。”邱越，北京市城
市规划委员会的工作人员说。
Many visitors filled thick suggestion books with feedback, provi
ding constructive ideas, such as building another world trade center
in the north; retaining the lay-out of the narrow alleys and the cour
tyard homes; and informing citizens on city construction projects on
time. The exhibition organizers then sorted the suggestions and deliv
ered them to the decision-making department. 许多来访者写了厚厚的建
议，提出了建设性的建议，如在北部建设另一个世界贸易中心，及时将城市建设
项目通知市民。随后，展览会的组织者整理了这些建议，将它们提供给了决策部
门。
“Beijing city planning to the public shows the government’s d
etermination to promote the opening up of administration affairs, and

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this is a significant development,” said a visitor. “将北京城市建设
规划向公众展示表明了政府在促进行政事务开放的决心，这是一个有重要意义的
进步”以名来访者说。
Zhou Chang, Secretary general of the China Architectural Society,
agreed. “The opening up of the urban planning process can improve t
hings greatly, as major decisions will go through the approval of exp
erts, the suggestions of citizens and the supervision of the media,”
said Zhou. 周畅，中国建筑协会秘书长同意这种观点。他说“城市规划的公开
程序会使极大促进规划工作，因为决策要经过专家的审核、市民的建议和舆论的
监督”
Shan Qixiang, director of the Beijing Municipal City Planning Co
mmittee, said the opinions of the both experts and the masses will be
pooled together before a decision on any important plans for urban c
onstruction are reached. 单启祥，北京市城市规划委员会主任说在任何重要
城市建设计划做出之前所有专家和群众的意见都将会被集中起来。
Administrative affairs 行政事务
Financial budget 财政预算
Domicile registration 居民登记
Matrimonial registration 婚姻登记
Handling Affairs Online 在线事务办理

第二章
为什么要进行公共管理改革？
公共管理改革通常被认为是一种达到目的的手段，而并非目的本身。更准确
说，我们可以认为它是一种潜在地达到多种目的的手段。这些目的包括：在公共
支出中形成节余（经济），提高公共服务的质量，使政府的运作更加有效，增加
被选用的和实施的政策变得有效的机会。为了实现这些重要的目标，公共管理改
革还可能为一系列中间目标提供服务，包括强化政治家对官员的控制和把公务员
从官僚主义的限制中解放出来，因为这些限制阻碍了他们进行管理的机会；增强
政府的政策和计划对立法部门和公民的责任性。最后，但并非最不重要的是，我
们还应该提到公共管理改革的象征性的和合法性的好处。这些好处对于政治家而
言，至少可被人们认为他们正在有所作为。比如宣布进行改革，批评官僚主义，
表扬新的管理技术，许诺在未来改进服务，重组部门和办事机构——所有这些内
容都能把有利的注意力吸引到主张这些事情的政治家身上。一个愤世嫉俗的人可
—8—

能会发现，在如今，由于地方、国家和国际限制等复杂的相互作用，单个政府独
立行动的权力而日益受到质疑，政府的部长们通常所能做的事情——以充满活力
的面貌出现仅需极小的直接代价——就是在他们自己的统治机器内部宣布改革。
这对那些在提出和执行这样的倡议时几乎总要扮演重要角色的高级官员也有合
法性的好处。他们可能会因为参与“现代化”和“提高效率”的工作而获得尊重。
如果管理改革真会产生更廉洁、更有效并具有更高服务质量和更有效规划的
政府，如果它同时还会强化政治控制，把管理者解放出来，让他们进行管理，使
政府更透明，并且能提升最积极参与的部长和官员们的形象，那么它被广泛鼓吹
也就不足为奇。不幸的是，事情并非如此简单。众多证据表明，管理改革会走入
歧途。它们可能无法产生所谓的好处。它们甚至可能导致相反的结果，从而使相
关的行政过程（在某些重要的方面）变得比以前更糟。比如，某个地方机关一项
为老人和残废人提供“家庭帮助”（家庭照顾）的计划按照准市场的原则进行了
重新修改，将购买服务的当局和提供服务的成员分离开来，我们可能认为这是一
项典型的“改革”。然而，如果我们发现，为这项服务而起草的合同文件厚达700
页，而实际提供的服务在数量上和质量上只有非常小的改变时，质疑就开始产生
了。我们会想，在双方之间建立更多的信任也许会是更好的选择，这样，合同文
件就会简短得多（甚至可能根本不需要合同），并且会大大减少监督费用。
此外，即便一项特定的改革确实在上面提到的一个或两个目标方面（节余或
质量的改进）获得了“成功”，它也不可能完全获得成功。实际上，我们在后面
会说明，行政改革中导致的权衡和两难困境很常见，因此，某一项或两项目标的
实现很可能会被其他方面较差的表现“抵消”：“官僚体制中专门的决策者遵循的
规则是，一次针对一个目标采取措施，从而控制平衡——但他们没有认识到，紧
缩某一项指标意味着放松另一项指标”。例如，如果我们对公务员实施更有效的
政治监督和控制，我们能否同时赋予他们更多的自由和管理的灵活性？乐观主义
者会说能，他们会提出一个更清晰、更简单的规则，从而使管理者在规则范围之
内“获得创造性”。怀疑主义者会说不能，他们会指出，有调查证据表明，连管
理者自己都觉得政治“干预”增加了，期望政治家在诸如社会安全、医保、教育
或监狱服务等政治上很敏感的领域里会“不画蛇添足”，那是不现实的。
不管怎样，公共管理改革只是达到第一段中所提到的期望目标的手段之一。
说得更准确点，对公共管理改革本质的任何描述都需要考虑到政府的表现可以通

—9—

过很多途径得到改善，并考虑到管理改革经常与其他政策方案联系在一起。在对
很多国家的行政发展进行比较之后，有一个学者最近发现：“行政改革…是所有
政策表现的一个部分，并不是一套独立的技术工作”。
改善政府表现的其他途径包括政治改革（例如选举制度或立法程序的改变）
以及关键政策的根本性改变（例如新的宏观经济管理政策，劳动力市场改革，或
社会政策的根本性的改变）。本书导言中提到过新西兰的案例，在这个案例中新
西兰把管理改革同宏观经济政策以及选举制度的根本改变组合在一起。
许多评论人士注意到，使情况变得更复杂的是改革的滞后性，这种滞后性大
大影响了公共管理改革本身。公共部门程序和结构的重大变化所产生的所有好处
一般要在改革计划开始后的3年、4年、5年甚至更晚才能获得。首先，改革需
要新的立法。然后需要对现状进行分析，而后则要设计、形成和修改新的操作程
序，还要训练人员按程序操作，规定新角色，确定合适的奖励机制，恰当地制定
新的评估制度，通知服务的使用者和利益攸关方，还要努力减少所有这些创新可
能在使用者和工作者中引起的焦虑。但这却不是最高层的政治家乐意接受的时间
表。他们关心更短期的效果：下一次选举，下一届政府的改组，甚至当天的电视
新闻。政治注意力的焦点从一个事项到另一个事项的变化周期要比复杂的组织变
化能够完成的目标快得多。虽说情况总是如此，但政治家对于“现在就能展示点
什么”的需要和组织改革者需要时间、努力和持续性之间的矛盾却总是产生，这
也许正是许多西方民主国家政治过程强化和加速的产物。

第三章
行政及地方公共服务改革：简介

80年代以来，有很强的公共服务改革及现代化的运动。权力下放及自由化－容许市场发
挥提供公共服务的功能－是其中两个重要趋势。法国及西班牙的发展能清楚表达这种趋
势，而英国则更倾向集权，虽然在一些情况下权力也会下放到地方。在西班牙，权力下放是
一个国家的选择，也是宪法所规定；同时，公共服务自由化也和社区融合以及开放市场连在
一起。

地方管理的现代化不一定经常依照一个统一的、全球的计划；很多时候，反而是对地方税收
的不稳定状况以及人们对地方服务需求的增加的回应。在英国，这个概念则比较持续的在发

— —10

展，目的为引进一种受到私营企业影响的新的公共管理哲学，结果也叫英国的公共服务逐渐
离开其自19世纪中叶赖以建立的原则。

权力下放标志着地方民主的回归，而地方政府代表很快也扮演这种角色。地方自治的确立包
含着各方面的公共政策，包括社会服务、经济发展、文化、基建、城市规划及环境保护等。
渐渐的，一种管治模式慢慢在三个国家建立，虽然只有在英国它以法律（2000年的地方政
府法）被间接的确认下来。这个原则就成为了服务创新以及地方回应公民的集体需要的基础。
地方的行动能力逐渐在扩展；而一些跨地方的功能性组织也在发展。

但是，法国与西班牙的情况跟英国不太一样。在法国及西班牙，权力下放意味着对地方政
府的赋权并给予更大的自由。而在英国，在地方层次的“福利国家化”反而让中央政府对地
方有更大的控制权。80年代以及贝利亚政府的改革在这方面是一致的。公共管理的现代化
遵循着之前提到的原则而进行，实际上让地方政府的权力有所缩减。原因是一方面，中央政
府对某些政策范畴加强了控制（如教育，地方税收上限）；另一方面，一些地方公共服务被
市场化。再者，新的管理随伴着新的绩效标准以及新的监控方式。

除了权力下放，国家公共服务的自由化，随伴着欧洲新的关于公共工程合约法律的出台，加
强了地方公共服务供给的竞争，也增加了地方政府选择地方服务管理模式的自由。原则上，
该法律并没有指定使用私营或委托管理方式。但是，它大大的增加了使用市场力量的义务。
针对法国及西班牙的地方公共服务法律也显示出这些改革的范畴及现实。研究这两个国家的
系统特别相关，因为使用私营管理的要求就在它们的传统中。私营的管理很多时候假设有
私人的资金来源来支持一项服务甚至一项基建；私营公司的管理也意味着以商业原则去提供
服务，并受到私营公司的相关法例规管。在西班牙的法律，地方公共组织的地位非常有弹
性，很多时候也是通过立法来产生。这些组织受到私营企业的法律规管，并使用通用的管
理系统来管理，员工只现有一般劳工的地位。这些要求、标准制约着地方选择服务管理模
式的自由。

第五章 What Is Community?
什么是社区
Communities are natural human associations based on ties of rela
tionship and shared experiences in which we mutually meaning in our l
ives, meet needs, and accomplish the persons we were meant to become,
discover meaning, generate ethical values, and develop a culture a c
ulture which would be impossible for single, isolated individuals to
accomplish alone. 社区是基于各种相互联系和共同经历而形成的自然的人类
组织.在社区里,我们的生活互相影响,包括如何满足需要,如何成为我们理想中
的人,意义的发现,伦理价值的产生,以及开创一种文化.这种文化对于单独的,孤
立的个体来说是不可能创造的.
When we talk about community, we talk about two things simultane
ously. Community is located in space and time and it exists beyond sp
ace and time. Community is embodied in a space, structure, and presen
ce, but community transcends location; it cannot confined by structur

—11—

e or mere history. 当我们谈论社区时，我们同时谈论两个方面。社区处于时
空中,但它能超越时空而存在。社区体现为一定的空间,结构和现在，但它威风的近义词又超越
了地点,并且不可能被仅仅局限于某种结构或历史。
Embodied Community社区的具体性
Every one of us needs community. Community arises spontaneously
because of an innate sociality of the human condition. With relativel
y rare exceptions community has been the form of human associated lif
e by which people have related throughout history. Your self cannot,
in fact, reach its full realization in isolation, but only as you are
nurtured, guided, and suffused with life of the community in which y
ou exist. 我们每一个人都需要社区。由于人类所固有的社会性，社区就自然的
产生了。除了相对罕见的特例,社区是与人类有关的生活方式,通过这种方式人们
才在历史中互相有了联系。事实上,光靠你自己孤立的力量不可能实现自我的充
分发展，只有当你在所生存的社区中被培养，教导，充分融入生活才能做到这一
点。
Localized community needs to be embodied to have existence. In i
ts purest sense, community is an arena of social interaction, a milie
u of social relationships in which we engage one another at a time an
d in a place where we gather together. For many communities to have p
ermanence, they often become identified with physical space that the
community claims as its own. This could be a territory or a neighborh
ood that we identify with a name and includes homes, schools, and sho
ps. Communities such as a local church, neighborhood, or ethnic or ci
vil association often develop a structure or a form of association, i
nfuse it with values, and derive meaning form it. The location or the
structure becomes the embodiment of and symbolizes community. Thus i
t is appropriate to talk about community as a neighborhood or associa
tion that exists in space and time, that has permanence and structure.
区域化的社区需要被实现才能存在。在最基本的定义里，社区是社会交际的舞
台，是我们在某时或聚集在某地而形成的各种社会关系的环境.对许多能够持久
的社区来说，它们通常因为拥有自己的地理范围而被人们所确认.这个地理范围
可以是国家的领土,也可以是包括家庭、学校和商店的有自己名称的居民区. 诸
如地方教会、居民区以及种族或市民协会的这样一个社区,经常会形成一个有着
自己的价值观及相关意义系统的社区结构.社区就是通过所划分的地理范围的和
所形成的社区结构来具体得到实现的.因此,把社区作为某居民区或协会来谈论
是适当的,因为它们有固定结构和永久性,在时空中具体存在.
Transcendent Community社区的超越性
Although a community can be found in a locality or be embodied b
y a structural form, community is never simple a static physical loca
tion that we inhabit, as social ecologists assert; nor is it merely a
structure or mechanical process, as systems theorists suggest. Commu
nity is the act by which we engage one another, experience relationsh
ips, and become a people. Wherever humans exist, we spontaneously see

— —12

k and form community. 虽然社区有一定地理范围或结构形式，但社区决不仅仅
象社会生态学家所断言的那样,\"是一个我们所居住的静止不变的地理区域\"，也
不仅仅是系统理论家所提出的\"一个结构或机械的过程\".社区是一种行为,通过
这个行为我们互相交往，体验关系，并且成为一个民族。只要是有人类存在的地
方，我们就会自发地寻找并形成社区。
Communities are an indelible component of the human condition, n
ot relative to a particular historical era, place, or time. Neither a
re communities unique to one race, national, or cultural group. Commu
nity transcends history and cannot be contained by mere history. Deep
ly tooted in our nature, community may be said to be a universal huma
n phenomenon, not contingent on circumstances. 社区是人类环境的一个不
可或缺的组成部分.它并不是相对于特定的历史时代、地点或时间来说的,也不是
专属于某一种族、民族或者文化组织的。社区超越历史，并且不可能仅仅被历史
所包含。由于人类的天性使然,，社区可以说是一种人类的普遍现象，并非伴随
某条件发生的偶然现象。
Community transcends location. As people in community move from
place to place, we carry our community with us. When the nation of Is
rael was destroyed and most of her people were exiled to Babylon in 5
97 B.C. , they lost their land, but they never lost themselves, their
community. They were then, and 2600 years later remain a people, a c
ommunity, regardless of where they are located. 社区超越地点。当社区内
的人们迁移时,社区也随之迁移。公元前597年,当以色列人的国家被摧毁，并且
大多数人被放逐到巴比伦时,他们丧失了他们的土地，但他们未曾丧失自己以及
他们的社区。不管他们生存在哪里.他们那时是,并且2600年后依然是一个民族
和社区.
Community transcends its structure. The original group that call
ed themselves “people of the Way” was a small association whose mem
bers met in the Temple as Jerusalem, in one another’s homes, and who
owned everything in common. Christian churches today are far differen
t from those original communities in the way they are structures and
governed, and in the manner and language in which worship is conducte
d. Yet they remain communities untied in a common belief and heritage.
社区超越它的结构。最初,一个自称为“路上的人们”的小组是一个很小的协会,
这个协会的成员共享一切,在耶路撒冷的圣殿或彼此的家里祭拜上帝. 现在的基
督教会在结构和管理上以及祭拜的方式和语言上，与那些原始的社区远远不同。
然而，他们仍然是同一个有着相同信仰和传统的松散的社区。
Community transcends time, a community exists before we were bor
n and will live on after we die. We develop a shared memory and obtai
n a sense of ourselves by means of our common history together. The s
ymbols and meaning that community incorporates, while origination in
time, become timeless. 社区超越时间。一个社区在我们出生前就存在，并且
会延续到我们死去之后。我们通过共同的历史来形成共同的记忆以及自我意识。
社区所包含的象征和意义，虽然起源于时间，但会变得永恒。

—13—

There is not just one model of community or one community ideal.
Each community is a unique blending of the people of which it is com
posed. The many good communities that come into being add to the shap
e and texture of human existence. The more communities that develop,
therefore, the more opportunities for us to explore alternative ways
of being in the world, and different ways of achieving richness of ch
aracter. 社区并非只有一个模式，也不存在某一理想的社区模式。每个社区都
是其组成人民的独特的联合。许多成立的好社区丰富了人类存在的形式和结构。
因此，建立越多社区，我们就会有更多机会来探索在世上生存的可能方式，同时
也能探索使自己个性丰满的不同方式。

第八章
The Economic Perspective for the People’s Republic
of China
中国经济前景
With a strong performance in the trade sector after World Trade
Organization accession, record inflow of foreign direct investment, a
nd large fixed investment, the country continued its rapid economic e
xpansion in 2002, recording one of its fastest rates in 5 years. Stro
ng economic performance is expected to continue, though growth will s
low slightly in 2003-2004. however, many challenges remain, including
slow growth in rural incomes, the need to create jobs and an enablin
g environment for the private sector, growing disparities between the
coastal and interior provinces, and financial sector weaknesses.随着
加入WTO后贸易部门的强劲表现，创纪录的外国直接投资的流入，以及大量的固
定资产投资，2002年，我国经济继续高速扩张，创下5年来最快的速度。强劲
的经济表现可以期望继续下去，尽管2003-2004年增长速度将会稍慢。然而同时，
许多挑战还存在，包括：农村收入增长缓慢，增加就业的需求，私营企业的需要
更宽松的环境，沿海与内地省份的发展差距，以及金融部门的发展落后。
1. Macroeconomic Assessment宏观经济评估
GDP growth in PRC accelerated to 8% in 2002 from 7.3% in 2001, m
oving higher than 7.8% average of the previous 5 years. This higher t
han expected figure resulted from exports performing better than anti
cipated, surging foreign direct investment (FDI), and buoyant domesti
c demand. Expansionary fiscal and monetary policies also played a rol
e.中国的GDP增长率从2001年的7.3%加速到2002年的8%，快于过去五年7.8%
的平均水平。比预计的数字快是由于出口表现好于预期，外国直接投资（FDI）
的涌入，以及活跃的国内需求。扩张性的财政与货币政策也扮演了角色。
Industry (including construction) was the key engine of economic
growth, with value added accelerating to 9.9% in 2002 from 8.7% in 2
001. electronic equipment, transportation equipment, and chemical pro

— —14

ducts all did well. A surge in FDI and export growth resulted in the
value added of the foreign-funded enterprises increasing by 13.3%. su
pported mainly by growth in transportation, telecommunications, and r
eal estate, the services sector expanded by 7.3% in 2002 (though beca
use of weaknesses in the statistical system, growth in this sector is
probably underestimated). Despite a spring drought, agriculture sect
or performance improved slightly compared with the previous 2 years,
Grain output, which dropped by 2.1% in 2001, rose by 1%.工业（包含建
设）是经济增长的重要龙头，产值增长率从2001年的8.7%加速到2002年的9.
9%。电子设备，交通运输，化学产业发展的都很好。FDI的涌入和出口的增长导
致外资企业增长率达到13.3%。主要受交通运输业，电讯业，房地产业的增长支
持，服务业部门在2002年增长了7.3%（由于统计方法的缺陷，这一部门的增长
很可能被低估）。尽管受到春旱影响，农业部门的表现比过去两年稍有改善。谷
物出口下降率2.1%,改善了1%。
A surge in fixed, asset investment, which grew by 16.1%, stimula
ted domestic demand. Private investment rose by 15.7% in the year, fa
ster than in 2001. Across sectors, investment in real estate was part
icularly strong, registering a 21.9% increase in 2002, as housing ref
orms and more housing mortgage loans led to buoyant property market.
Supported by the Government’s western region development strategy, i
nvestment in that region grew by 20.6, faster than in the central (2
0%) and eastern (16.2) regions.汹涌的固定资产投资增长了16.1%，刺激了
国内需求。私营资本投资增长了15.7%，快于2001年。跨越各行业之间，房地
产业的投资尤其强劲，2002年登记了21.9%的增长，因为住房改革和更多的住房
抵押贷款带动资产市场的上扬。受政府的西部大开发发展战略的支持，西部投资
增长了20.6%，快于中部的20%和东部的16.2%。
Domestic consumption strengthened by 8.8%. the steady growth in
domestic spending was mainly driven by urban households,, which spent
10% more than in the previous year. Rural residents spending registe
red a 6.8% increase, reflecting the continued widening of urban-rural
income disparities. Per capita urban disposable income grew by 13.4%
in real terms to exceed CNY7700 ($928), while per capita real rural
cash income increased by only 4.8% to reach CNY2476 ($298). The rapid
increase in urban incomes triggered a purchasing boom for private ca
rs, telecommunications equipment and houses grew by 69% and 39%, resp
ectively.国内消费增长了8.8%。国内消费的平稳增长主要是由于城市居民家
庭，他们比去年多支出了10%。农村居民消费增长了6.8%，反映了城乡居民收入
差距的扩大在继续。每个城市居民实际的可分配收入增长了13.4%达到7700元，
而每个农村居民现金收入只增长了4.8%达到2476元。城市居民收入的高速增长
引发了对私人汽车、电信产品、住房的购买高潮。2002年，汽车进口增长了77%，
通讯设备和住房分别增长了69%和39%。
As economic restructuring continued, employment in the state-own
ed sector an urban collectives continued decreasing. The number of em

—15—

ployees in the state-owned sector fell by 4.6 million in 2001 and by
the end of 2002 had fallen by a further 4.8 million. Excluding smalle
r private and informal sector activities, employment in the non-state
-owned sector increased by 3 million in 2002. Based on official stati
stics, which underestimate the problem, the urban registered unemploy
ment rate rose from 3.6% in 2001 to 4% in 2002. If workers at state-o
wned enterprises (SOEs) who had not been reemployed were included, th
e adjusted unemployment rate would have been more than 7%. The develo
pment of an urban social safety net and reform of social security are
needed to ameliorate the social costs of the economic reform program.
随着经济结构调整的继续，国有制部门和城市集体制部门的就业继续下降。国有
部门雇员2001年减少了460万人，到2002年底之前又多减少了480万人。排除
掉更小的私人或非正式的部门活动，2002年非国有部门的雇员增长了300万人。
根据官方的统计，城市登记失业率从2001年的3.6%增长到4%，它有可能低估了
问题。如果将国有企业的下岗工人包含在内，调整后的失业率将会超过7%。改
善经济改革问题的社会成本，需要发展城市社会保障和改革社会保险。
Developments政策发展
Fiscal policy has played a key role in stimulating the PRC’s ec
onomic growth over the past 5 years. Then Ministry of Finance estimat
ed that four consecutive fiscal stimulus packages contributed 1.5, 2,
1.7, and 1.8 percentage points to GDP growth in the years 1998-2001,
respectively. The Government issued CNY150 billion in special bonds
to finance the public deficit in 2002. these bonds were mainly used t
o finance public sector projects under construction, development proj
ects in the western region, technological upgrading of key enterprise
s, projects to divert to divert water from the south to the north, an
d rural infrastructure.财政政策在过去五年扮演了刺激中国经济增长的关键
角色。财政部估计在1998-2001年，四个连续的财政激励packages分别对当年
的GDP做出了1.5,2.0,1.7,和1.8的贡献。2002年，政府发行了1.5亿特别债
券资助公共赤字。这些公债主要用于资助在建的公共部门工程，西部地区的发展
项目，重点企业的技术升级改造，南水北调工程，以及农村基础设施建设。
To promote the development of an integrated national market and
fair competition between enterprise in different regions, the Governm
ent changed the methodology of income tax sharing between the central
and local governments. From I January 2002, corporate income tax rev
enues were no longer divided according to the jurisdiction of the ent
erprise. Except for several special industries, most of the corporate
income tax and all personal income tax revenue were shared between t
he central and local authorities at a fixed ratio. The central Govern
ment used the income tax increase resulting from the reform for trans
fer payments from the central budget to local authorities, especially
those in the central and western regions. Government procurement pro
cedures were also strengthened.为了促进国内市场一体化的发展以及不同地

— —16

区企业的公平竞争，政府改变了中央和地方政府对所得税的分配方法。从2002
年1月1日起，公司所得税收入不再根据企业的管辖划分。除了几个特别的行业，
绝大部分公司所得税和所有的个人所得税收入按照固定的比例被中央和地方分
享。The central government used the income tax increase resulting fro
m the reform for transfer payments from the central budget to local a
uthorities, especially those in the central and western regions. Gove
rnment procurement procedures were also strengthened.中央政府为转拨款
项使用了所得税增量起因于改革从中央预算到地方政府，特别是那些在中央和西
部地区。政府采购规程也被加强了。
With WTO accession, the Government accelerated the pace of refor
ming then domestic economy. A series of adjustments in fiscal and tax
policies was made in the first year after WTO accession including:
(i)reducing tariffs on more than 5300 commodities, resulting in the g
eneral tariff level dropping from 15.3% to 12% ( and further to 11% i
n early 2003); (ii) eliminating different treatments between domestic
and foreign enterprise, such as unifying accounting standards, by ap
plying the same tax rate reduction on investment in encouraged sector
s and in the western region; and (iii) raising the export rebate rate
s on cotton, rice, wheat, and corn exports from 5% to 13%.随着加入wt
o组织，政府加速了改革国内经济的步伐。在加入WTO的第一年后，做出了一系
列财税政策的调整，包括：（i）超过5300种商品的关税被降低，致使整体关税
水平从15.3%降低到12.0%（2003年以前降低到11%）;(ii)消除国内和国外企业
的差别对待，例如统一会计标准，对在被鼓励发展的部门和西部地区的投资适用
相同的税率减免。(iii)将棉花，大米，小麦，玉米的出口退税率从5%提高到1
3%。
On the monetary front, the Government adopted several measures t
o stimulate domestic demand and took substantial steps to fulfill its
WTO commitments. Concerned that the decline in SOCB lending could a
ggravate deflationary pressure, PBC adopted the following measures:
(i) it cut the 1-year lending rate by 0.5 percentage point to 5.3% in
February; (ii) it raised the target growth rate for M2 from 13% to 1
4% in May; and (iii) it issued a directive in mid-2002 urging SOCBs t
o increase lending to consumers and small and medium enterprise (SME
s).在货币阵线上，政府采取一些措施刺激国内需求并且迈出坚定的步伐去履行
它在WTO的承诺。考虑到国有银行的贷款下降会恶化通货紧缩的压力，中国人民
银行采取了以下措施：（i）在二月将一年期贷款利率降低了0.5百分点到5.3%；
（ii）在五月将M2的目标增长率从13%调到14%；（iii）在2002年中发布指令
催促各商业银行对消费者和中小企业增加贷款额度。
3. 2003-2004年展望
The economy will face downward pressure over the next 2 years. W
ithin a less expansionary fiscal policy, low growth in the rural sect
or, and the impact of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), econo
mic growth is forecast at 7.3% for 2003.未来两年经济将要面对下降的压

—17—

力。由于较为稳健的财政政策，农村部门的低增长，SARS的影响，2003年经济
增长预计为7.3%。
After record trade levels and government spending in 2002, expor
ts and investment growth will slow in 2003. First, exports will not m
atch 2002’s rate of expansion as growth in import demand in its bigg
est markets, the US and Japan, is expected to be modest and growth of
imports will exceed that of exports, resulting in a smaller trade su
rplus. Second, the Government’s growing budget deficit will limit th
e continued use of fiscal stimulus packages. Worries about rising deb
t are expected to constrain government bond sales to finance more inf
rastructure and construction projects. There is a growing need to red
uce debts in other sectors of the economy as the Government contempla
tes another huge bank bailout and ways to fund its fledging pension s
ystem. As the effectiveness of fiscal stimulus tapers off in 2003, gr
owth of investment in fixed assets will rely more heavily on the priv
ate sector and FDI.在创纪录的贸易水平和政府开销的2002年过去后，2003
年的出口和投资增长将变慢。首先，出口将不会达到2002年的增长率，因为美
国和日本这两个最大市场，进口需求的增长预计会变得适度，并且进口的增长将
会超过出口，导致贸易顺差的变少。第二，政府的预算赤字将会限制一揽子积极
财政政策的继续作用。对增长的债务的担心预计将会抑制政府公债的销售，其会
投资更多的基础设施投资和建设工程。
Although consumption will be robust, the consumption pattern may
change with more money being spent on housing, cars, and tourism. Ho
wever, services will suffer from the spread of SARS. Due to large exc
ess capacity in many industries and cheap imports related to WTO trad
e liberalization, deflationary pressure will remain in 2003. CPI infl
ation is forecast at 0.5%. Substantial FDI inflows will partly offset
the decline in the current account surplus resulting from the deteri
orating trade balance. The current account surplus will be 1.6% of GD
P in 2003.尽管消费将会强劲，消费模式将会变得更多的消费在住房，汽车，旅
游上。然而，服务业将会遭受SARS传播的影响。由于WTO贸易自由化带来的大
量过剩的工业与廉价进口，通货紧缩压力在2003年将持续。CPI将膨胀0.5%。
大量的外商直接投资流入将部分抵消由于贸易平衡恶化所带来的国际收支经常
项目顺差的下降。国际收支经常项目顺差将占2003年GDP的1.6%。
If the world economy experiences a modest recovery, domestic pri
vate sector investment gathers momentum, and rural incomes rise moder
ately, then the economy will maintain its high growth in 2004, projec
ted at 7.6%. With the deepening of economic reforms and industrial re
structuring, excess capacity and supply should be gradually absorbed
or transferred to emerging industries or sectors. Inflation will like
ly be moderate at 1%. The current account id forecast at 1.5% of GDP.
如果世界经济经历一个适当的恢复，国内私人部门投资聚集起动力，并且农村收
入适当的提高，那么2004年经济将维持一个较高的增长，预计为7.6%。随着经

— —18

济改革的深化和工业结构调整，过剩的产能和供给将逐渐地被新兴的行业和部门
所吸引或转移。通货膨胀很有可能稳定在1%。国际收支经常项目顺差预计为G
DP的1.5%。
In the next 5 years or so, the most important challenge foe the
PRC’s policy makers is job creation, because, as the country continu
es its economic restructuring and reform of SOEs, more workers will b
e laid off. These workers will join about 8 million new labor market
entrants and rural migrants in their search for jobs each year. It wi
ll not be possible for the country to reduce poverty and maintain soc
ial stability unless economic growth becomes more employment intensiv
e, implying that the economy will need to shift from resource-extensi
ve to labor-intensive growth.在今后大约五年时间，中国政策制定者面临的
最大挑战是创造就业机会，因为，随着国家经济改组和国企改革的继续，更多的
工人下岗了。这些人将会和农民工一起加入每年大约新增的800万人的劳动力
市场。国家不可能减少贫困和维持社会稳定，除非经济增长变得更加劳动力密集，
那意味着经济需要从资源消耗型向劳动密集型转变。
The private sector is playing the key role in job creation, gene
rating almost all new jobs between 1996 and 2002. to create a better
enabling environment for the private sector, the Government needs to
emphasize improving the legal framework and judicial system; honoring
contracts; eliminating take products and protecting intellectual pro
perty rights; converting legitimate fees and charges into taxes and a
bolishing illegal and arbitrary fees; reducing administrative bureauc
racy; removing local protectionism, barriers to interprovincial trade,
and other factors preventing fair competition; and setting better ac
counting and auditing standards and improving disclosure and enforcem
ent.私人部门在创造就业机会方面扮演了关键角色， 1996-2002年之间几乎所
有新的工作岗位都由其创造产生。为了给私人部门创造更加宽松的环境，政府需
要着重改进法律体制和司法制度；重合同守信用；消灭假货和保护知识产权；进
行费改税并且消除不合法收费和乱收费；减少官僚机构；消除地方保护主义，省
际间贸易障碍，以及其他妨碍公平竞争的因素；设定更好的会计和审计标准并且
提高透明度和执法力度。
Income inequality within regions, the gap between rural and urban
areas, as well as disparities between the eastern region and western
region (where most of the poor live) have all widened. Addressing th
e issues of poverty and inequality is essential to maintain broad-bas
ed public support for the country’s reform program. More jobs need t
o be created for the poor and economic growth promoted in rural areas
and in interior provinces. This calls for strengthening policies and
institutions, developing infrastructure, addressing land degradation,

—19—

and supporting human resources development. Other measures required
include strengthening social safety nets and the social security syst
em, initially in urban areas and gradually in rural areas; improving
poverty reduction programs with better targeting; encouraging poor pe
ople to participate in decisions that affect them; and undertaking pr
o-poor fiscal reform, particularly at the provincial and sub-provinci
al levels.地区间收入不平等，农村和城市的差异，以及东西部地区间的差距（西
部更多穷人）全都加大了。为了维持广大群众支持国家的改革事业，必须针对贫
困和不平等采取相关措施。需要为穷人创造更多的工作机会并且促进农村地区和
内陆省份的经济增长。这需要加强政策和制度建设，发展基础设施，治理土地退
化，支持人力资源开发。另外一些措施包括：加强社会安全网络和社会保障体系，
要从城市开始逐渐到农村地区；更好地实现脱贫计划；鼓励穷人参与那些关系切
身利益的决策；采取有利于穷人的财政改革，尤其是在省级和省级以下的层次上。
Although the economic growth rate has been impressive, the effic
iency of resource use can still be improved. The financial sector doe
s not allocate capital efficiently. A large volume of NPLs and a poor
ly performing banking system have hindered the development of an effi
cient nationwide financial system and imposed large costs on the econ
omy, and represent a potential systemic risk. WTO entry and short-ter
m challenges associated with trade and financial liberalization will
exacerbate vulnerabilities in the financial system.尽管经济增长率令人
印象深刻，资源利用的效率仍有待提高。财政部门不能做到资本的有效分配。大
量的不良贷款和效率低下的银行系统阻碍了一个高效的全国性的金融系统的发
展并且对经济加重了大量成本，而且体现了潜在的系统性风险。加入WTO和由贸
易和金融自由化所带来的短期挑战将会加重金融系统的脆弱性。
To counter these risks, the Government needs to institute regula
tory reform and information disclosure mechanisms in the financial se
ctor conforming to international standards. Other measures required i
n a sequenced approach to liberalizing the financial sector include r
esolving NPLs; diversifying ownership of financial institutions; givi
ng more autonomy to PBC and financial regulatory agencies; liberalizi
ng interest rates; allowing foreign participation and the development
of private banks; opening the capital account in phases after streng
thening domestic institutions; and establishing a sound, flexible, an
d resilient exchange rate regime.为了规避这些风险，政府需要制定管制改
革并且金融部门的信息披露机制需要遵从国际标准。还需要一系列有序的方法放
松金融部门，包括解决不良贷款；金融机构产权多样化；给与人行和金融管理机

— —20

构更多的自主权；放松利率；允许外资的加入和私营银行的发展；在加强国内机
构后的一个阶段逐步放开资本账户；建立健全的灵活的有弹性的汇率机制。
Disposable income 可支配收入
State-owned enterprise 国有企业

第九节
China Seeks Peaceful Growth
中国寻求和平发展

Over the past 25 years, since the implementation of reform and o
pening-up policy, China has made a series of new and important achiev
ements. It entered a well-off society as the beginning if this centur
y, and is now striving toward building a society that is holistically
well off. 在过去的25年，自从改革开放政策开始施行，中国取得了一系列新
的重要成就。中国在本世纪初进入了小康社会，并且现在正在努力建设全民小
康的社会。
The current stage of China’s well-off society is however incomp
rehensive, unbalanced and of a low level. There is still a long way t
o go before China can shake off its state of underdevelopment. China
is still developing country facing a series of big problems. To illus
trate this here are two simple mathematical questions. One is multipl
ication and the other is division and they both focus on the number g
ame. 然而,中国现在所处的小康社会是范围狭小，失衡和低级的。为了摆脱不
发达状况，中国仍有很长一段路要走。中国仍然是个面临一系列大问题的发展
中国家。在此,用二个简单的数学问题来说明这一点。一个是乘法,一个是除法,
二者都是数字游戏。
In the multiplication scenario, no matter how small and negligib
le and economy or social development problem seems to be, once multip
lied by 1.3 billion, it become a big, or even a mega problem. 除法的
关卡同样令人深思。无论中国的财政和物质资源多么丰富,一旦被13亿除，人
均水平都变的极端低下。
The division scenario is no less thought provoking. No matter ho
w abundant China’s financial and material resources are, once divide
d by 1.3 billion, the per-capita level will be extremely low. 除法的
关卡同样令人深思。无论中国的财政和物质资源多么丰富,一旦被13亿除，人
均水平都变的极端低下。
This 1.3 billion refers to China’s population. Moreover, we hav
e not yet reached our population peak, which will only begin dropping
off in 2040 when it reaches 1.5 billion. 这13亿是中国的人口。而且，
我们尚未到达我们的人口峰顶.当它在2040年到达15亿时才会开始下降。
Of cause, we should not lose sight of other, more positive side
of the coin. China’s experience in reform and opening up in the past
25 years has proved the magnitude of its labor force, creativity, pur

—21—

chasing power, cohesion, momentum of development and its contribution
to the world as an engine of growth. 当然,我们不应该忽略事情积极的一
面。中国在过去25年里的改革开放的经历证明了它的劳动力、创造性、购买力、
凝聚力和发展动力的巨大,以及它作为发展动力对世界的贡献。
Better Life for All全民的更好的生活
Therefore, China’s growth and development, including both the n
egative and positive factors, in the final analysis, are inseparable
from the number 1.3 or 1.5 billion. In this context, all the efforts
in the economic, political or cultural field, and either concerning d
omestic, foreign or defense affairs, are for the purpose of securing
a comfortable life for its 1.3 billion, or even 1.5 billion people. W
e will never slacken our efforts to bring about a better, richer, mor
e decent life to oue people. Even when China reaches the level of mod
erately development countries in middle of this century, we will try
to make further strides. 因此，中国的成长和发展，包括消极和正面因素，
归根结底都与13或15亿的数字不能分离。在这个背景下，中国在经济，政治或
者文化领域，以及有关国内，国外或者国防事务的努力，都是为了让它的13亿，
甚至15亿人民获得舒适的生活。我们永远不会松懈我们的努力,来给我们的人民
带来更好，更富，更体面的生活。即使当中国在本世纪中期到达较发达国家的水
平，我们也将继续前进.
This is a great ambition shared by all Chinese people, from the
leadership down to general public. 这是所有中国人民，从领导到大众,都拥
有的宏伟志向.
This objective alone will keep this generation and the next two
to three generations extremely busy. 仅仅是这个目标都将令这一代和下二
个到三个世代的人民极度繁忙。
To lift the life of one-fifth of the world’s population to high
level is also a great responsibility that China is duty-bound to take
up for human progress. 要将世界五分之一的人口的生活提升到高水平,这也
是中国为人类进步而要承担的责任。
But just how should China achieve such a huge objective? 但中国
应该怎样达到这样一个宏伟的目标？
As you may know, this is a topic of much debate worldwide. My ar
gument is that China’s achievements themselves have answered and is
answering this question, and will answer this question in an even con
vincing way in the future. 众所周知，这是个全世界都争论的话题。我的论
点是中国自身的成就已经和正在回答这个问题,并且将在未来用一个更令人信服
的方式来回答它.
The underlying fact is that in the 25 years since its reform and
opening up, China has blazed a new strategic path that not only suit
s its national conditions, but also conforms to the tide of times. 一
个背景事实是自从改革开放开始的这25年间,，中国开辟了一条不仅适合它的国
情，而且符合时代浪潮的战略道路。

— —22

This new strategic path is China’s peaceful rise through indepe
ndently building socialism with Chinese characteristic, while partici
pating in, rather than detaching from, economic globalization. 这个新
的战略道路即中国通过独立自主的建立有中国特色的社会主义而和平崛起，同时
参与而非脱离经济全球化。
To this end, I would like to emphasize that to take part in econ
omic globalization instead of detaching from it in itself represents
a major strategic choice. 对这一点,我想强调一下,参与而非脱离经济全球
化,这本身代表了一个主要的战略选择。
This choice was put before the Chinese people in the 1970s, when
the new technological revolution and a new wave of economic globaliz
ation were developing with great momentum. The insightful Chinese lea
dership grasped the trend, and on the basis of its belief that today’
s world be an open world and China’s development inseparable from th
at of the world, decided to seize the historical opportunity and shif
t the focus of its work to economic development. This was done throug
h carrying out reform and opening up and endeavoring to foster the do
mestic market and tap the international market by implement the house
hold contract system in rural areas, establishing four special econom
ic zones in the coaster region and opening up 14 coastal cities. Thes
e initiatives ushered in the current reform program. 杏花的诗句有哪些 20世纪70年代,这
个选择被摆在了中国人民面前.当时,新的技术革命和新的经济全球化浪潮在高
速进行中. 有远见的中国领导把握住了这个时代机遇，他们相信当今的世界是一
个开放世界,并且中国的发展不能与世界分离.因此,决定抓住历史机会,把工作
中心转移到经济发展上来。中国通过改革开放,扶持国内市场以及开发国际市场.
在完成这个任务,具体做法包括在农村地区开展家庭联产承包责任制，在沿海地
区建立四个特别经济区域以及开放14个沿海城市. 这些积极措施是当前改革的
前奏.
Strategic Choice战略选择
In the 1990s,China was once again faced with a strategic choice,
due to the Asian financial crisis and the wrestling between the forc
es for and against globalization. The Chinese leadership carefully we
ighted up the positive and negative aspects of economic globalization
and seeking advantages while avoiding disadvantages. Such a move lif
ted China’s reform and opening up to a higher level. 在90年代，由于
亚洲金融危机以及支持和反对全球化的力量对比,中国再次面对一个战略选择，。
中国领导审慎地考量了经济全球化的正反两方面因素，努力扬长避短。这一策
略将中国的改革开放提升到更高的水平。
I want to stress that while participating in economic globalizat
ion, we should afford and should not expect to rely on its own streng
th. 我想强调，当参加经济全球化时，我们应该承受得起并且不应该完全依靠它
本身的力量。

—23—

That is to say, it has to fully and consciously depend on its ow
n institutional innovation, tapping the growing domestic market, conv
erting its hefty savings deposits into investment, improving the qual
ity of life for its citizens, and solving its resource shortage and e
nvironmental problem through scientific and technological progress.
也就是说，中国必须通过科学技术的发展,充分和自觉的依靠自己的制度创新，
开发正在发展的国内市场，把国内大量的储蓄转变成投资，提高人民生活水平以
及解决它的资源短缺和环境问题.
In a word, we have to rely on the resources of both domestic and
international markets and bring all positive factors into play, so a
s to resolve the big development problem and realize our great ambiti
on. 总之，我们必须依靠国内和国际市场资源,充分发挥所有积极因素的作用，
以便解决大的发展问题,实现我们的宏伟志向。
I would also like to emphasize that this is not only a path of s
triving for development, but also a path of adhering to peace and nev
er seeking hegemony. 我同样想强调这不仅是一条求发展的道路，而且是一条
维护和平,永远不会寻求霸权的道路。
Peaceful Growth the Key和平发展的关键
The experienc哈的多音字组词 e of big powers contending for hegemony in contempo
rary history testifies to fact that the rise of a big power often res
ulting drastic change in the international arena and world order, whi
ch can even result in a world war. An important reason behind this is
that big powers launched a war of aggression and external expansion,
which is doomed to failure. 当代历史上大国寻求霸权主义的经历证实了这
样的事实:一个超级力量的上升经常会导致国际舞台和世界秩序上的剧烈变化,
甚而导致世界大战。这个事件背后的一个重要原因是,超级力量所发动的侵略和
外部扩张战争是注定失败的。
China’s only choice is to strive for growth, more importantly,
strive for peaceful growth. That is to say, we have to work for a pea
ceful international environment for the sake of our development and,
at the same time, safeguard would peace through our development. 中国
的唯一的选择是力求发展,尤其是和平发展。也就是说，我们必须为我们的发展
寻求一个和平的国际环境，同时，通过我们的发展维护国际和平。
In this respect, there are three most important strategic princi
ples: First, we must unswervingly boost our economic and political re
structuring, centering on the promotion of socialist market economic
and socialist democracy, to ensure institutional guarantee foe our pe
aceful growth. Second, we must boldly draw on the fruits of human civ
ilization while fostering the Chinese civilization, to ensure culture
support for China’s peaceful growth. Third, we must carefully balan
ce the interests of different sectors, securing a coordinated develop
ment between urban and rural areas, between man and nature, to create
a social environment for China’s strategic path for peaceful growth.

— —24

对此，有三项最重要的战略原则：第一，我们必须坚定不移推进我们经济政治
的体制改革，以促进社会主义市场经济和社会主义民主为中心，为我们的和平发
展提供制度保障。其次，我们要在大胆吸取人类文明的果实的基础上促进中国文
明，为中国的和平发展提供文化支持。第三，我们必须小心地平衡好不同部门
的利益，确保城乡之间，人和自然之间的协调发展，为中国和平发展的战略道路
创造一个社会环境。
In conclusion, I would like to make the following judgment based
in history and the prevalent current situation: Generally speaking,
in the coming two or three decades, Asia will be facing a rare histor
ical opportunity for peaceful growth, of which China will be a part.
This not only means that China’s reform, opening up and growth are p
artly attributable to the experience and development of other Asian c
ountries, but also means that China, as an Asian country, will play a
more positive and useful role in the development, prosperity and sta
bility of all the other Asian countries, its neighbors in particular.
总而言之，我希望在历史和当前普遍形势的基础上作出以下结论：一般来说，
在以后的二三十年内，亚洲(包括中国)将要面对一个难得的和平发展的历史机遇.
这不仅意味着中国的改革开放和成长是部分归功于其他亚洲国家的发展经验，而
且一个亚洲国家的中国，将会在其他所有亚洲国家(尤其是他的邻国)的发展、繁
荣和稳定中扮演一个更重要积极的角色.
Well-off 小康
Household contract system 家庭联产承包责任制
Resource shortage 资源短缺

—25—