宣战家乡陋习

【导语】下面是小编收集整理的宣战家乡陋习（共6篇），供大家参考借鉴，希望可以帮助到有需要的朋友。

篇1：宣战家乡陋习的作文

宣战家乡陋习的作文

今天我们班观看了由王教授所言讲的‘家乡必须改变’视频。看完这次的视频后，我感触颇多，我的家乡是个小县城陋习的确有很多，光在王教授的视频中就有好几点。

鞭炮

在视频中多次提到关于鞭炮燃放的问题。王教授拿着杭州和我的家乡相比，相比而言这个偏僻的小县城居然燃放鞭炮的量远远大于杭州！逢年过节放鞭炮，接送领导放鞭炮，孩子完乐放鞭炮的理念早已在家乡人民的心中根深蒂固。尽管县里颁布了禁止燃放鞭炮的条令可有很多人依旧燃放鞭炮，对此他们的'解释是〝不放炮制炮干什么？〞说句实话，过年我也放了鞭炮不知道是不是因为我是在农村放的鞭炮所以没人来管。大家都认为过年不放鞭炮那便不算是过年，这是家乡人民的一大陋习。燃放鞭炮的坏处有很多，最重要的是两点：一容易造成伤亡事故；二环境

污染大。最后关于鞭炮我送大家一句话〝须移风易俗，必禁燃烟花爆竹。〞

垃圾分类

关于垃圾分类的问题王教授大胆的说了整个中国对于垃圾分类都做得很差，特别是与日本相比中国的垃圾分类更是不堪一击。我小姨曾去过日本，他对我说过日本的花园里总是竖着一块牌子，上面用赤裸裸的中文标着〝不许乱扔垃圾〞这是对中国人素质的不相信，可也确实，据统计在日本破坏公共财产和乱扔垃圾的人中国人占89%。更何况这一个九流小县城呢？上一句世界名言：〝文明一小步进步一大步〞

市容

在新化有打赤膊的出租车司机，有穿睡衣逛街的市民，有四处破坏的人民，更有满山的〝牛皮癣〞。还有对于这些我们是不支持，的当然也有不在乎的。因为这些不在乎市容的人，所以我们对这些影响市容的表现都是心有余而力不足。但尽管有很多不足只要我们撸起袖子加油干就一定会成功的。让我们一起向陋习宣战，向文明进发，让改革生态文明养成美丽家乡 山绿水清碧天空，

畏法遵规路畅通。

笑盈满堂天下路，

农林牧渔旅游兴。

篇2：向陋习宣战作文500字

向陋习宣战作文500字

文明是新时代的主题，是不可缺少的一部分。作为中学生的我们更要遵守中小学生礼仪规范。

文明美德就如一泓清泉可以为我们滋润心灵，给予我们心灵上的慰藉。文明的社会，需要文明的我们。中华民族自古以来都是一个讲究品德教育、个人修养的民族。一个甜美的微笑，一种执着的追求，一次慰藉人心的宽容，融汇成美得赞颂曲上一个个拨动人心的音符。我们的祖先也以文明着称于世，在世界文明的'长河里，我们是现代文明的使者，是现代文明的代言人！

文明在生活的细节琐事中处处体现着：文明是尊老爱幼，文明是静静聆听，文明是不乱扔垃圾、不随地吐痰等生活中一些平平常常、微不足道的小事，如果有哪个人能做到这些方面，那么他就可以成为一个有修养的人。

而在现实生活中，不文明的现象处处都是。众目睽睽下摘花，十字路口上急闯红灯，公共场所随地吐痰，扔垃圾；垃圾，塑料袋子随处堆放；破坏公物的现象更是屡禁不止。这些虽然都是小事，但折射出的却是一个人的自身修养。告别陋习是自尊、自爱的表现，是美好人生的起点，更是对他人集体的尊重爱护。

同学们，让我们从现在开始，爱护我们的家园，不以善小而不为，不以小而为之，共同携手做好环境保护工作，让我们的家园更加清新整洁。让我们向陋习宣战，与文明同行！

篇3：向陋习宣战，做文明学生演讲稿

向陋习宣战，做文明学生演讲稿

文明是新时代的主题，是生活中不可缺少的一部分。它就如一泓清泉，滋润着我们的心灵，给予我们精神上的慰藉。中华民族自古以来就是一个讲究品德教育，个人修养的民族。一个甜美的笑容，一种执着的追求，一次慰藉人心的宽容，融汇成美的赞颂曲。我们的祖先也以文明著称于世，在世界文明的长河里，我们是现代文明的使者，是现代文明的代言人。

文明在生活的细节琐事中处处体现着。文明是尊老爱幼，文明是静静聆听，文明是不乱扔垃圾，不随地吐痰等生活中一些平平常常，微不足道的小事，但若是有哪个人能做到这些方面，那么他就可以成为一个有修养的人。修养是指一个人身上所拥有的文化，智慧和善良所表现出的一种美德。有修养，有内涵是我们中华民族的好传统。 古人云：修身、齐家、治国、平天下。把“修身”列在首位说明良好的个人修养是成就事业的前提，西方哲学家亚里士多德也曾说过：对于美德，我们仅止于熟悉是不够的，我们还必须努力培养它，运用它，或是采取种种方法，以使我们成为良善之人。

而在现实生活中，不文明的现象处处都是。众目睽睽下摘花，十字路口闯红灯，公共场所随地吐痰，垃圾、塑料袋子随处堆放。破坏公物的现象更是屡禁不止，这些虽然都是小事，但折射出的却是一个人的自身修养。告别陋习，是自尊自爱的表现，是美好人生的起点，更是对他人，集体的'尊重，爱护。

有的人只用一句温暖的话语，一个体贴的眼神，看似微不足道的举动，实则用意深远。有的人举手投足间便给人一种舒服，畅快，安稳的感觉，胸怀宽容、随和，内心温暖、美好，这可以称得上是一种美了。这种美，不一定是长得很美、很帅，但是只要我们稍加注意就可以发现他的与众不同，这就是个人修养。个人修养是一个人素质的体现，它的好坏直接关系到平时的待人处事，良好的修养不仅能够体现自身的品味与价值，更能带动周围的人提高个人素质。当今，每个人都被社会推进了市场，利益越来越影响人与人之间的关系。然而，非功利因素在建立健康，和谐的人际关系中依然显得非常重要。一个人面对挫折的乐观程度，情绪控制能力，认识他人情感能力以及交往能力等，都是自身修养的重要体现。它对加深沟通交流，提高人格魅力有着举足轻重的作用。我们是学生，社会实践与交流沟通是我们必不可少的能力之一。而修养，正是释放自己，展现自己的最好方式。

习近平主席提出了24个字的社会主义核心价值观，其中“爱国、敬业、诚信、友善”是对全体公民个人层面提出的基本通德规范，这其实也是在要求我们提高自身的修养，在谈到这24个字的时候很多同学会觉得“假”.但我觉得，爱国，可以从爱校做起，遵守学校的制度和章程；敬业，可以从学习做起，认直严谨的对待学业；诚信，可以从做事作起，诚实守信，踏实做好每一件事；友善，可以从身边做起，能设身处地的为他人考虑。让我们告别陋习，做文明学生，为中华之崛起而奋斗。

演讲，撰稿：周凡淇

指导教师：柳杨

篇4： 做仁恕少年向陋习宣战作文

做仁恕少年向陋习宣战作文

仁恕是一种道德范畴，是人与人之间相互关爱、用自己的心推想别人的心。

那是一个阳光明媚的'早晨，我骑着自行车去小铺边买早点，走了一会，终于到了，我买好东西正准备付钱是，看见了一位老爷爷正在小摊边晃来晃去，可以看出他想吃早饭，却没有钱，这时，我对老板娘说：“给这个老爷爷两块钱饼吃，钱我来给。”老板娘问我：“他是你爷爷吗？你要给他付钱？”我说：“不是我爷爷，我不认识他，我看他很可怜！所以才给他付钱买饼吃！”老板娘说：“你真是个好孩子，这钱你也不用付了，我会给他吃好的，你回家吧！”我笑了笑，把钱放桌上，并对老板娘说：“谢谢你，你也是个好人，这个社会还是好人多呀！”说完我骑着自行车哼着小曲回家了。

回到了家，妈妈没在家，家里好乱呀！我突然灵机一动决定帮妈妈打扫卫生，我先用毛巾擦窗户，然后扫地，拖地，整理房间，不一会儿妈妈回来了，刚推开门就被眼前的景象惊呆了，我又告诉了妈妈今天早上我的所见所为，妈妈还夸我长大了呢！我心里可高兴了！同时我也知道了妈妈平时收拾家务有多辛苦！

“仁恕”的目的是善。在一个飘着雪花的冬天里，我正要出去学画画，我正在四处看雪景，突然，我看到了一位老奶奶在大雪中艰难的行走，我毫不犹豫的上前搀扶老奶奶，并把老奶奶安全送到了家，我虽然错过了画画这堂课，但是心里还是美滋滋的，因为我又做了一件善事，特别是在当今社会大人们想着好事、善事却不敢做的社会风气下！真是童心纯真善良啊！

做一个仁恕少年心中必须要记得这些词语：正直诚信，友善对待他人，弘毅执着，果断面对挫折，乐观自信，幸福享受生活，奉献担当，主动肩负责任，创新进取，勇于开拓学业，儒雅宽厚，诗意经营人生。我从现在开始努力学习，争取做一个对社会有用的人，争取做一个仁恕少年，告别我生活中的一切陋习！我相信自己能做到，你们相信我吗？

篇5：与风“宣战”

生活总归是坎坷的，举身于这人群川流不息的世界，无限的挑战正一波又一波向我们奔袭而来，四面八方包围着的是一次次竞争，或是和身边的家人朋友竞争，或是和自己内心的慵懒胆怯竞争，当然，还有和自然无穷力量之间的竞争。一次偶然的机会让我体会到了与风竞争的艰辛以及挑战成功的无尽的快乐。

秋天有着醉人的灿烂，阳光普照下，一片片打卷的镶金叶随风尽情摇摆，为正午的庭院铺上了一层厚厚的暖黄色，洋溢着迷人的果香和麦田的景色，然而，季节里的另外一景却正释放着凉意：我悻悻地拖着扫把踱进冷飕飕的流动空气中，不管怎样裹紧大衣，还是能感受到寒意经缝隙触到我的体温，再紧紧捏住肌肤，刀刮似的阵阵袭来。“这么一大堆树叶是给人扫的吗?让我和这大风竞争，根本就不现实嘛!”此时，风正不停地席卷着大地，掠起昏黄的沙土，叶片在弥漫的尘埃中穿梭，强风尽情展示着它的残酷，打压着我心中仅剩的一点温存和希望。

“还是试试吧!就一会儿。”我惧怕地想。挥起沉重的扫把，为自己哗啦出一片可以下脚的地方，然后按部就班地扫了起来。和这么强劲的风较劲，显然是不见成效的。帽子、围巾都不停地撕扯着，连扫把都不听人使唤了，被大风刮得晕头转向，我费劲地弯下腰，刚想用袋子装起扫好的少得可怜的落叶，一阵风儿吹过，叶子们撒着欢儿似的飞到了天上，随后四散而去，如同放学后的小学生，欢叫着离去。而我却一屁股坐在了地上：“大自然的力量还真是伟大啊!”一边叹着气，一边觉得自己软弱得像一张浸透了水的纸。我低下头，拍拍身上的尘土，准备回屋：“和秋风竞争，还真是有病啊!”

“这就想放弃了?”不知是谁在我的脑海中读出了这么一句话，我像被人吓着了似的回头看看这背后的庭院，风儿更加肆虐了，飞舞着从我的眼前缓缓飘过，那悠闲的样子仿佛在嘲笑我的无能。不知是逆反心理还是怎的，我的心中猛地滋生出一种力量，在喉咙中孕育着喷薄而出：“你别小看我，我才没有放弃，面对你的竞争和挑战，我决不会失败。”这是对风的“宣战”。于是，打心底的信心与目标温暖了我的身体，我全力投入到这场与风的竞争中去了。身体中蕴蓄的力量释放了出来，我挥舞着扫把，用巧妙的方法一堆堆归拢好了叶片，又背着风迅速装进了黑色的垃圾袋中。“有什么了不起的?只要有勇气迎接挑战，有能力参与竞争，我就是赢者。”

是啊，自然的力量是无穷的，挑战的力量也是无穷的，我要勇于竞争、勇于挑战，就能求得梦寐以求的成功。

篇6：经典的宣战演讲稿

罗斯福要求国会向日本宣战经典演讲

To the Congress of the United States:

副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：

Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941--a date which will live in infamy-the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.

日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来西亚的袭击。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。

This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况己说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.

作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。

Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.

我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。

I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.

我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger. With confidence in our armed forces with the unbounding determination of our people-we will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.

大敌当前，我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastard1y attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec. 7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑都的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。

乔治六世对德宣战经典演讲

In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.

在这个庄严的时刻，也许是我国历史上最生死攸关的时刻，我向每一位民众，不管你们身在何处，传递这样一个消息，对你们的心情，我感同身受，甚至希望能挨家挨户，向你们倾说。

For the second time in the lives of most of us, we are at war. Over and over again, we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies; but it has been in vain.

我们中大多数人将面临第二次战争，我们已多次寻求通过和平方式解决国家间的争端，但一切都是徒劳的。

We have been forced into a conflict, for which we are called, with our allies to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilized order in the world.

我们被迫卷入这场战争，我们必须接受这个挑战，我们面临的是一种邪恶的信念，如果希特勒大行其道，甚至文明秩序将毁于一旦。

It is a principle which permits a state in the selfish pursuit of power to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges, which sanctions the use of force or threat of force against the sovereignty and independence of other states.

这种信念允许一个国家可以为了对权力的自私追求而抛弃它的条约和庄重的誓言，允许它用武力或恐吓侵犯其他国家的主权与独立。

Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right, and if this principle were established through the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of nations would be in danger.

这种信念褪去伪装之后，只是对强权的赤裸裸的追求，如果这种信念在世界传播开来，我们的祖国，以及其他所有英联邦国家的自由，将会处于危险之中。

But far more than this, the peoples of the world would be kept in bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of security, of justice and liberty, among nations, would be ended.

不仅如此，全世界人民将会成为恐惧的奴隶，并且各国之间对于稳定和平、安全、以及自正义和自由的希望，将不复存在。

This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge.

这是我们面里的最大的挑战，为了我们所珍视的一切，为了世界的秩序与和平，无法想象我们拒绝迎接这样的挑战。

It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own.

为如此崇高目的，我呼吁国内的民众以及国外的民众以此为己任。

I ask them to stand calm and firm and united in this time of trial.

我恳请大家保持冷静和坚定，在考验面请团结起来。

The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield, but we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then with God's help, we shall prevail.

考验是严峻的，我们还会面临一段艰难的日子，战争也不只局限于前线，只有心怀正义才能正确行事，我们在此虔诚向上帝祈祷，只要每个人坚定信念，在上帝的帮助下，我们必将胜利!

May He bless and keep us all.

愿上帝保佑我们!

邱吉尔在二战期间对德宣战演讲稿

Iron Curtain Speech

by Winston Churchill, 1946

“From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.”

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step--namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars--though not, alas, in the interval between them--I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method--the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings”--to quote some good words I read here the other day--why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate act.